The gospel of wealth, and other timely essays, by Andrew Carnegie

Cornell University Library
HB 835.C3 1900

The gospel of wealth, and other timely e

3 1924 001 214 539

CORNELL

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT
FUND GIVEN IN 1 89 1 BY

HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE

DATE DUE

•1- < -«.

SSJBhBwSBBShw

c » 1 9

■B'i DE(

i 1 1*8*

v?ur * '

O I

i inrc£R\

r ANNEX

LlDI\nl\l

/V «• 1L-/X

~LJ-" s tmir~

GAYLORD

PRINTED INU.I.A.

Cornell University
Library

The original of this book is in
the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.

http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924001214539

The
Gospel of Wealth

The

Gospel of Wealth

And Other Timely Essays

By

Andrew Carnegie

New York

The Century Co.

1900

3

A- 1^1 S- 5" 5"

Copyright, 1886, 1889, by ALLEN THORNDIKE RICE.

Copyright, 1889, by LLOYD Brice.

Copyright, 1898, 1809, by THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW PUBLISHING COMPANY.

Copyright, 1886, by The FORUM PUBLISHING CO.

Copyright, 1896, by Pehry Mason & Co.

Copyright, 1900, by The Century Co.

The DeVinne Press.

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction : How I Served My Apprenticeship vii

The Gospel op Wealth 1

The Advantages op Poverty . . . .47
Popular Illusions about Trusts ... 85
An Employer's View op the. Labor Question . 107
Results op the Labor Struggle . . . 127
Distant Possessions: The Parting op the Ways 151
Americanism versus Imperialism . . . .169

Democracy m England 209

Home Rule in America 221

Does America Hate England? .... 251
Imperial Federation 269

The various articles in this volume are reprinted by permission of the
publishers of the periodicals in which they originally appeared. The auto-
biographical fragment which precedes the essays proper was written for
the " Youth's Companion " s the other papers were first published in the
"Century Magazine," the "North American Review," the "Forum," the
" Contemporary Review," the " Fortnightly Review," the " Nineteenth Cen-
tury," and the " Scottish Leader."

Property of
MARTIN P. CATHERWOOD LIBRARY

NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL
INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS

Cornel! University

INTRODUCTION
HOW I SERVED MY APPRENTICESHIP 1

IT is a great pleasure to tell how I served my
apprenticeship as a business man. But there
seems to be a question preceding this : Why did I
become a business man ! I am sure that I should
never have selected a business career if I had been
permitted to choose.

The eldest son of parents who were themselves
poor, I had, fortunately, to begin to perform some
useful work in the world while still very young in
order to earn an honest livelihood, and was thus
shown even in early boyhood that my duty was to
assist my parents and, like them, become, as soon
as possible, a bread-winner in the family. What
I could get to do, not what I desired, was the
question.

When I was born my father was a well-to-do
master weaver in Dunfermline, Scotland. He
owned no less than four damask-looms and em-
ployed apprentices. This was before the days of
steam-factories for the manufacture of linen. A

1 Published in the "Youth's Companion," April 23, 1896.
vii

Introduction

few large merchants took orders, and employed
master weavers, such as my father, to weave the
cloth, the merchants supplying the materials.

As the factory system developed hand-loom
weaving naturally declined, and my father was one
of the sufferers by the change. The first serious
lesson of my life came to me one day when he had
taken in the last of his work to the merchant, and
returned to our little home greatly distressed be-
cause there was no more work for him to do. I
was then just about ten years of age, but the les-
son burned into my heart, and I resolved then that
the wolf of poverty should be driven from our
door some day, if I could do it.

The question of selling the old looms and start-
ing for the United States came up in the family
council, and I heard it discussed from day to day.
It was finally resolved to take the plunge and join
relatives already in Pittsburg. I well remember
that neither father nor mother thought the change
would be otherwise than a great sacrifice for them,
but that " it would be better for the two boys."

In after life, if you can look back as I do and
wonder at the complete surrender of their own de-
sires which parents make for the good of their
children, you must reverence their memories with
feelings akin to worship.

On arriving in Allegheny City (there were four

Introduction

of us: father, mother, my younger brother, and
myself), my father entered a cotton factory. I
soon followed, and served as a "bobbin-boy," and
this is how I began my preparation for subsequent
apprenticeship as a business man. I received one
dollar and twenty cents a week, and was then just
about twelve years old.

I cannot tell you how proud I was when I re-
ceived my first week's own earnings. One dollar
and twenty cents made by myself and given to me
because I had been of some use in the world ! No
longer entirely dependent upon my parents, but at
last admitted to the family partnership as a con-
tributing member and able to help them ! I think
this makes a man out of a boy sooner than almost*
anything else, and a real man, t oo, if there be any
g erm of true manhood in him. It is everything to
feel that you are useful.

I have had to deal with great sums. Many mil-
lions of dollars have since passed through my
hands. But the genuine satisfaction I had from
that one dollar and twenty cents outweighs any
subsequen t^ pleasu re in money-getting. Itwas the
direct reward of honest, manual labor; it repre- .
sented a week of very hard work— so hard that,
but for the aim and end which sanctified it, sla-
very might not be much too strong a term to de-
scribe it.

ix

Introduction

For a lad of twelve to rise and breakfast every
morning, except the blessed Sunday morning, and
go into the streets and find his way to the factory
and begin to work while it was still dark outside,
and not be released until after darkness came again
in the evening, forty minutes' interval only being
allowed at noon, was a terrible task.

But I was young and had my dreams, and some-
thing within always told me that this would not,
could not, should not last— I should some day get
into a better position. Besides this, I felt myself
no longer a mere boy, but quite a little man, and
this made me happy.

A change soon came, for a kind old Scotsman,
who knew some of our relatives, made bobbins, and
took me into his factory before I was thirteen. But
here for a time it was even worse than in the cot-
ton factory, because I was set to fire a boiler in the
cellar, and actually to run the small steam-engine
which drove the machinery. The firing of the
boiler was all right, for fortunately we did not use
coal, but the refuse wooden chips; and I always
liked to work in wood. But the responsibility of
keeping the water right and of running the engine
and the danger of my making a mistake and blow-
ing the whole factory to pieces, caused too great a
strain, and I often awoke and found myself sitting
up in bed through the night, trying the steam-

Introduction

gages. But I never told them at home that I was
having a hard tussle. No, no ! everything must
be bright to them.

This was a point of honor, for every member of
the family was working hard, except, of course, my
little brother, who was then a child, and we were
telling each other only all the bright things. Be-
sides this, no man would whine and give up— he
would die first.

There was no servant in our family, and several
dollars per week were earned by the mother by
binding shoes after her daily work was done !
Father was also hard at work in the factory. And
could I complain ?

My kind employer, John Hay,— peace to his
ashes! — soon relieved me of the undue strain, for
he needed some one to make out bills and keep his
accounts, and finding that I could write a plain
school-boy hand and could " cipher," he made me
his only clerk. But still I had to work hard up-
stairs in the factory, for the clerking took but little
time.

You know how people moan about poverty as
being a great evil, and it seems to be accepted that
if people had only plenty of money and were rich,
they would be happy and more useful, and get more
out of life.

As a rule, there is more genuine satisfaction, a

Introduction

truer life, and more obtained from life in the hum-
ble cottages of the poor than in the palaces of the
rich. I always pity the sons and daughters of rich
men, who are attended by servants, and have gov-
ernesses at a later age, but am glad to remember
that they do not know what they have missed.

They have kind fathers and mothers, too, and
think that they enjoy the sweetness of these bless-
ings to the fullest : but this they cannot do ; for the
poor boy who has in his father his constant com-
panion, tutor, and model, and in his mother — holy
name! — his nurse, teacher, guardian angel, saint,
all in one, has a richer, more precious fortune in
life than any rich man's son who is not so favored
can possibly know, and compared with which all
other fortunes count for little.

It is because I know how sweet and happy and
pure the home of honest poverty is, how free from
perplexing care, from social envies and emulations,
how loving and how united its members may be in
the common interest of supporting the family, that
I sympathize with the rich man's boy and con-
gratulate the poor man's boy ; and it is for these
reasons that from the ranks of the poor so many
strong, eminent, self-reliant men have always
sprung and always must spring.

If you will read the list of the immortals who
"were not born to die," you will find that most of

Introduction

them have been born to the precious heritage of
poverty.

It seems, nowadays, a matter of universal desire
that poverty should be abolished. We should be
quite willing to abolish luxury, but to abolish hon-
est, industrious, self-denying poverty would be to
destroy the soil upon which mankind produces the
virtues which enable our race to reach a still
higher civilization than it now possesses.

I come now to the third step in my apprentice-
ship, for I had already taken two, as you see —
the cotton factory and then the bobbin factory;
and with the third — the third time is the chance,
you know— deliverance came. I obtained a situa-
tion as messenger boy in the telegraph office of
Pittsburg when I was fourteen. Here I entered a
new world.

Amid books, newspapers, pencils, pens and ink
and writing-pads, and a clean office, bright win-
dows, and the literary atmosphere, I was the hap-
piest boy alive.

My only dread was that I should some day be dis-
missed because I did not know the city ; for it is
necessary that a messenger boy should know all the
firms and addresses of men who are in the habit of
receiving telegrams. But I was a stranger in Pitts-
burg. However, I made up my mind that I would
learn to repeat successively each business house in

xiii

Introduction

the principal streets, and was soon able to shut my
eyes and begin at one side of Wood Street, and call
every firm successively to the top, then pass to
the other side and call every firm to the bottom.
Before long I was able to do this with the business
streets generally. My mind was then at rest upon
that point.

Of course every ambitious messenger boy wants
to become an operator, and before the operators
arrive in the early mornings the boys slipped up to
the instruments and practised. This I did, and
was soon able to talk to the boys in the other offices
along the line, who were also practising.

One morning I heard Philadelphia calling Pitts-
burg, and giving the signal, "Death message."^
Great attention was then paid to " death messages,"
and I thought I ought to try to take this one. I
answered and did so, and went off and delivered it
before the operator came. After that the operators
sometimes used to ask me to work for them.

Having a sensitive ear for sound, I soon learned
to take messages by the ear, which was then very
uncommon — I think only two persons in the United
States could then do it. Now every operator takes
by ear, so easy is it to follow and do what any other
boy can— if you only have to. This brought me
into notice, and finally I became an operator, and
received the, to me, enormous recompense of

Introduction

twenty-five dollars per month — three hundred
dollars a year!

This was a fortune— the very sum that I had
fixed when I was a factory-worker as the fortune I
wished to possess, because the family could live on
three hundred dollars a year and be almost or
quite independent. Here it was at last! But I
was soon to be in receipt of extra compensation for
extra work.

The six newspapers of Pittsburg received tele-
graphic news in common. Six copies of each de-
spatch were made by a gentleman who received six
dollars per week for the work, and he offered me a
gold dollar every week if I would do it, of which I
was very glad indeed, because I always liked to
work with news and scribble for newspapers.

The reporters came to a room every evening for
the news which I had prepared, and this brought
me into most pleasant intercourse with these clever
fellows, and besides, I got a dollar a week as
pocket-money, for this was not considered family
revenue by me.

I think this last step of doing something beyond
one's task is fully entitled to be considered " busi-
ness." The other revenue, you see, was just salary
obtained for regular work ; but here was a little
business operation upon my own account, and I
was very proud indeed of my gold dollar every week.

Introduction

The Pennsylvania Railroad shortly after this
was completed to Pittsburg, and that genius,
Thomas A. Scott, was its superintendent. He often
came to the telegraph office to talk to his chief, the
general superintendent, at Altoona, and I became
known to him in this way.

When that great railway system put up a wire of
its own, he asked me to be his clerk and opera-
tor; so I left the telegraph office— in which there
is great danger that a young man may be perma-
nently buried, as it were— and became connected
with the railways.

The new appointment was accompanied by what
was, to me, a tremendous increase of salary. It
jumped from twenty-five to thirty-five dollars per
month. Mr. Scott was then receiving one hundred
and twenty-five dollars per month, and I used to
wonder what on earth he could do with so much
money.

I remained for thirteen years in the service of the
Pennsylvania Railroad Company, and was at last
superintendent of the Pittsburg division of the
road, successor to Mr. Scott, who had in the mean-
time risen to the office of vice-president of the
company.

One day Mr. Scott, who was the kindest of men,
and had taken a great fancy to me, asked if I had
or could find five hundred dollars to invest.

xvi

Introduction

Here the business instinct came into play. I felt
that as the door was opened for a business invest-
ment with my chief, it would be wilful flying in
the face of providence if I did not jump at it ; so I
answered promptly :

" Yes, sir ; I think I can."

" Very well," he said, " get it ; a man has just
died who owns ten shares in the Adams Express
Company which I want you to buy. It will cost
you fifty dollars per share, and I can help you
with a little balance if you cannot raise it all."

Here was a queer position. The available assets
of the whole family were not five hundred dollars.
But there was one member of the family whose
ability, pluck, and resource never failed us, and I
felt sure the money could be raised somehow or
other by my mother.

Indeed, had Mr. Scott known our position he
would have advanced it himself ; but the last thing
in the world the proud Scot will do is to reveal his
poverty and rely upon others. The family had
managed by this time to purchase a small house
and pay for it in order to save rent. My recollec-
tion is that it was worth eight hundred dollars.

The matter was laid before the council of three
that night, and the oracle spoke: "Must be done.
Mortgage our house. I will take the steamer in
the morning for Ohio, and see uncle, and ask him

xvii

Introduction

to arrange it. I am sure he can." This was done.
Of course her visit was successful— where did she
ever fail ?

The money was procured, paid over ; ten shares
of Adams Express Company stock was mine ; but
no one knew our little home had been mortgaged
" to give our boy a start."

Adams Express stock then paid monthly divi-
dends of one per cent., and the first check for five
dollars arrived. I can see it now, and I well re-
member the signature of " J. C. Babcock, Cashier,"
who wrote a big " John Hancock " hand.

The next day being Sunday, we boys — myself
and my ever-constant companions — took our usual
Sunday afternoon stroll in the country, and sitting
down in the woods, I showed them this check,
saying, " Eureka ! We have found it."

Here was something new to all of us, for none of
us had ever received anything but from toil. A
return from capital was something strange and
new.

How money could make money, how, without
any attention from me, this mysterious golden visi-
tor should come, led to much speculation upon the
part of the young fellows, and I was for the first
time hailed as a " capitalist."

You see, I was beginning to serve my apprentice-
ship as a business man in a satisfactory manner.

xviii

Introduction

A very important incident in my life occurred
when, one day in a train, a nice, farmer-looking gen-
tleman approached me, saying that the conductor
had told him I was connected with the Pennsyl-
vania Railroad, and he would like to show me
something. He pulled from a small green bag
the model of the first sleeping-car. This was Mr.
Woodruff, the inventor.

Its value struck me like a flash. I asked him to
come to Altoona the following week, and he did so.
Mr. Scott, with his usual quickness, grasped the
idea. A contract was made with Mr. Woodruff to
put two trial cars on the Pennsylvania Railroad.
Before leaving Altoona Mr. Woodruff came and
offered me an interest in the venture, which I
promptly accepted. But how I was to make my
payments rather troubled me, for the cars were to
be paid for in monthly instalments after delivery,
and my first monthly payment was to be two hun-
dred and seventeen dollars and a half.

I had not the money, and I did not see any way
of getting it. But I finally decided to visit the
local banker and ask him for a loan, pledging my-
self to repay at the rate of fifteen dollars per month.
He promptly granted it. Never shall I forget his
putting his arm over my shoulder, saying, " Oh,
yes, Andy ; you are all right ! "

I then and there signed my first note. Proud

xix

Introduction

day this ; and surely now no one will dispute that
I was becoming a " business man." I bad signed
my first note, and, most important of all,— for any
fellow can sign a note,— I had found a banker will-
ing to take it as " good."

My subsequent payments were made by the
receipts from the sleeping-cars, and I really made
my first considerable sum from this investment in
the Woodruff Sleeping-car Company, which was
afterward absorbed by Mr. Pullman— a remarkable
man whose name is now known over all the world.

Shortly after this I was appointed superintendent
of the Pittsburg division, and returned to my dear
old home, smoky Pittsburg. Wooden bridges were
then used exclusively upon the railways, and the
Pennsylvania Railroad was experimenting with a
bridge built of cast-iron. I saw that wooden
bridges would not do for the futare, and organized
a company in Pittsburg to build iron bridges.

Here again I had recourse to the bank, because
my share of the capital was twelve hundred and
fifty dollars, and I had not the money ; but the bank
lent it to me, and we began the Keystone Bridge
Works, which proved a great success. This com-
pany built the first great bridge over the Ohio
River, three hundred feet span, and has built many
of the most important structures since.

This was my beginning in manufacturing ; and

XX

Introduction

from that start all our other works have grown,
the profits of one building the other. My "ap-
prenticeship " as a business man soon ended, for I
resigned my position as an officer of the Penn-
sylvania Railroad Company to give exclusive
attention to business.

I was no longer merely an official working for
others upon a salary, but a full-fledged business
man working upon my own account.

I never was quite reconciled to working for other
people. At the most, the railway officer has to look
forward to the enjoyment of a stated salary, and he
has a great many people to please ; even if he gets
to be president, he has sometimes a board of direc-
tors who cannot know what is best to be done ; and
even if this board be satisfied, he has a board of
stockholders to criticize him, and as the property is
not his own he cannot manage it as he pleases.

I always liked the idea of being my own master,
of manufacturing something and giving employ-
ment to many men. There is only one thing to
think of manufacturing if you are a Pittsburger,
for Pittsburg even then had asserted her supremacy
as the " Iron City," the leading iron- and steel-manu-
facturing city in America.

So my indispensable and clever partners, who
had been my boy companions, I am delighted to
say, — some of the very boys who had met in the

xxi

Introduction

grove to wonder at the five- dollar check,— began
business, and still continue extending it to meet
the ever-growing and ever-changing wants of our
most progressive country, year after year.

Always we are hoping that we need expand no
farther; yet ever we are finding that to stop ex-
panding would be to fall behind ; and even to-day
the successive improvements and inventions follow
each other so rapidly that we see just as much yet
to be done as ever.

When the manufacturer of steel ceases to grow
he begins to decay, so we must keep on extending.
The result of all these developments is that three
pounds of finished steel are now bought in Pitts-
burg for two cents, which is cheaper than anywhere
else on the earth, and that our country has become
the greatest producer of iron in the world.

And so ends the story of my apprenticeship and
graduation as a business man.

THE GOSPEL OF WEALTH

From the "North American Review," June and December, 1889

THE GOSPEL OF WEALTH

THB PROBLEM OP THE ADMINISTRATION OF WEALTH

THE problem of our age is the proper adminis-
tration of wealth, that the ties of brotherhood
may still bind together the rich and poor in har-
monious relationship. The conditions of human
life have not only been changed, but revolution-
ized, within the past few hundred years. In for-
mer days there was little difference between the
dwelling, dress, food, and environment of the chief
and those of his retainers. The Indians are to-day
where civilized man then was. When visiting the
Sioux, I was led to the wigwam of the chief. It
was like the others in external appearance, and
even within the difference was trifling between it
and those of the poorest of his braves. The con -
t rast between the pala ce, of the millionaire and the
cottage o f the laborer with us to-day measuresI£ Ee
change wnicn na s cfimgL with civi lization. This
c hange, J inwpvft^ is not to be deplored, but wel-
comed, as highly beneficial. It is well, na y, essen-

I

The Gospel of Wealth

tial, for the progress of the race that the houses oi
some"should"Fe*"¥omeslpr all that is highest and.
hestjSL .Jitejatoca-^aiid-^ie^arts^ and for aU. the,
refinements of civilization, rather than that none..
should.be so. Much better this great irregularity
than universal squalor. Without wealth there can
be no Maecenas. The " good old times " were not
good old times. Neither master nor servant was
as well situated then as to-day. A relapse to old
conditions would be disastrous to both — not the
least so to him who serves — and would sweep
away civilization with it. But whether the change
be for good or ill, it is upon us, beyond our power
to alter, and, therefore, to be accepted and made
the best of. It is a waste of time to criticize the
inevitable.

It is easy to see how the change has come. One
illustration will serve for almost every phase of the
cause. In the manufacture of products we have
the whole story. It applies to all combinations of
human industry, as stimulated and enlarged by
the inventions of this scientific age. Formerly,
articles were manufactured at the domestic hearth/*
or in small shops which formed part of the house-
hold. The master and his apprentices worked side
by side, the latter living with the master, and
therefore subject to the same conditions. When
these apprentices rose to be masters, there was
little or no change in their mode of life, and they,
in turn, educated succeeding apprentices in the
same routine. There was, substantially, social
equality, and even political equality, for those

2

The Gospel of Wealth

engaged in industrial pursuits had then little or no
voice in the State.

The inevitable result of such a mode of manu-
facture was crude articles at high prices. To-day
t he world obtains commod ities ot^xc^ent-Q^aality
at prices which even the preceding generation
woulcT have deemed" incredible. In the commercial .
world similar causes "have produced similar results,
and the race is benefited thereby. The poor en-
joy what the rich could not before afford. "What
were the luxuries have become the necessaries
of life. The laborer has now more comforts
than the farmer had a few generations ago.
The farmer has more luxuries than the landlord
had, and is more richly clad and better housed.
The landlord has books and pictures rarer and
appointments more artistic than the king could
then obtain.

The price we pay for this salutary change is, no
doubt, great. We assemble thousands of opera-
tives in the factory, and in the mine, of whom the
employer can know little or nothing, and to whom
b.e is little better than a myth. All intercourse be-
tween them is at an end. Rigid castes are formed,
and, as usual, mutual ignorance breeds mutual dis-
trust. Each caste is without sympathy with the
other, and ready to credit anything disparaging in
regard to it. Under the law of competition, the
employer of thousands is forced into the strictest
"economies, among which the rates paid to labor
figure prominently, and often there is jfriction be-
tween the employer and the employed, between

3

The Gospel of Wealth

capital and labor, between rich and poor. Human
society loses homogeneity.

The price which society pays for the law of com-
petition, like the price it pays for cheap comforts
and luxuries, is also great ; but the advantages of
this law are also greater still than its cost — for it
is to this law that we owe our wonderfuljnaterial^
development, which brings improved conditions in
itsTtrain. But, whether the law be benign or not,
we must say of it, as we say of the change in the
conditions of men to which we have referred : It is
here; we cannot evade it; no substitutes for it
have been found ; and while the law may b e some-
times hard for the indivj4jja]J : tJsJ^sLfQr..thfi race,
because ^t"tnsures"Thesurvival of the_fit£est_ in
every departments We accept and welcome, there-
fore, as conditions to which we must accommodate
ourselves, great inequality of environment ; the
concentration of business^ industrial and commer-
cial, inTEeTiands of a few ; _and the law of compe-
tition between these, as being not only beneficial,
but essential to the future progress of the race.
Having accepted these, it follows that there must
be great scope for the exercise of special ability in
the merchant and in the manufacturer who has tci
conduct affairs upon a great scale. That this talent
for organization and management is rare among
men is proved by the fact that it invariably secures
enormous rewards for its possessor, no matter
where or under what laws or conditions. The ex-
perienced in affairs always rate the man whose ser-
vices can be obtained as a partner as not only the

The Gospel of Wealth

first consideration, but such as render the question
of his capital scarcely worth considering: for able
men soon create capital; in the hands of those
without the special talent required, capital soon
takes wings. Such men become interested in firms
or corporations using millions; and, estimating
only simple interest to be made upon the capital
invested, it is inevitable that their income must
exceed their expenditure and that they must, there-
fore, accumulate wealth. Nor is there any middle
ground which such men can occupy, because the
great manufacturing or commercial concern which
does not earn at least interest upon its capital soon
becomes bankrupt. It must either ; go forward, or
fall behind; to standstill is. impossible. It is a
condition essential to its successful operation that
it should be thus far profitable, and even that, in
addition to interest on capital, it should make
profit. It is a law, as certain^ as any of_ the others
named, that men possessed of this peculiar talent
for affairs, under the free" play of economic forces
must, of necessity, soon be in receipt of more rev-
enue than canjpe judiciously expended upon them-,
selves; and this law is"as beneficial forth^race as..
the othexs...™-

Objections to the foundations upon which so-
ciety is based are not in order, 'because the con-
dition of the race is better with these than it has
been with any other which has been tried. Of the
effect of any new substitutes proposed we cannot
be sure. The Socialist or Anarchist who seeks to
overturn present conditions is to be regarded as

5

The Gospel of Wealth

attacking the foundation upon which civilization
itself rests, for_ciyilization took its start from the
da y when t he.capable, industrious workman said
to his incompetent and lazy fellow, " If thou dost
not sow, thou shalt not reap," and thus ended
primitive Communism by separating the drones
from the bees. One who studies this subject will
soon be brought face to face with the conclusion
that upon the sacredness_of .^property civilization
itself depends — the right of the laborer to his
hundred dollars in the savings-bank, and equally
the legal right of the millionaire to his millions.
Every man must be allowed " to sit under his own
vine and fig-tree, with none to make afraid," if hu-
man society is to advance, or even to remain so far
advanced as it is. To those who propose to sub-
stitute Communism for this intense Individu alism,
the answer therefore is: The race has tried that.
All progress from that barbarous day to the pres-
ent time has resulted from its displacement. Not
evil, but good, has come to the race from the ac-
cumulation of wealth by those who have had the
ability and energy to produce it. But even if we
admit for a moment that it might be better for the
race to discard its present foundation, Individual-
ism, — that it is a nobler ideal that man ^should
labor, not for himself alone, but in and for a bro-
therhood of his fellows, and share with them all in
common, realizing Swedenborg's idea of heaven,
where, as he says, the angels derive their happi-
ness, not from laboring for self, but for each other,
— even admit all this, and a sufficient answer is,

6

The Gospel of Wealth

This is not evolution, but revolution. It necessi-
tates Jh^changing of hu man nature itself — a work
of eons, even if it -were good to change it, which
we cannot know.

It is not practicable in our day or in our age.
Even if desirable theoretically, it belongs to another
and long-succeeding sociological stratum. Our duty
is with what is practicable now — with the next step
possible in our day and generation. It is criminal
to waste our energies in endeavoring to uproot,
when all we can profitably accomplish is to bend
the universal tree of humanity a little in the direc-
tion most favorable to the production of good
fruit under existing circumstances. We might as
well urge the destruction of the highest existing
type of man because he failed to reach our ideal
as to favor the destruction of Individualism, Pri-
vate Property, the Law of Accumulation of Wealth,
and the Law of Competition ; for these are the high-
est result of human experience, the soil in which
society, so far, has produced the best fruit. Un-
equally or unjustly, perhaps, as these laws some-
times operate, and imperfect as they appear to the
Idealist, they are, nevertheless, like the highest
type of man, the best and most valuable of all that
humanity has yet accomplished.

We. start, then ,. with a condition of affairs_under
wMch_ the. r -bflaL interests of the race are promoted,
but which inevitably gives wealth t o th e Jew.
Thus far, accepting conditions as they exist, the
situation can be surveyed and pronounced good.
The question then arises, — and if the foregoing be

7

The Gospel of Wealth

correct, it is the only question with which we have
to deal, — What is the proper mode of administer-
ing wealth after the laws upon which civilization
is founded have thrown it into the hands of the
few? And it is of this great question that I be-
lieve I offer the true solution. It will be under-
stood that fortunes are here spoken of, not mod-
erate sums saved by many years of effort, the
returns from which are required for the comfort-
able maintenance and education of families. This
is not wealth, but only competence, which it should
be the aim of all to acquire, and which it is for
the best interests of society should be acquired.

There are but three modes in which surplus
wealth can be disposed of. It can be left to the
families of the decedents ; or it can be bequeathed
for public purposes ; or, finally, it can be adminis-
tered by its possessors during their lives. Under
the first and second modes most of the wealth of
the world that has reached the few has hitherto
been applied. Let us in turn consider each of
these modes. The first is the most injudicious.
In monarchical countries, the estates and the
greatest portion of the wealth are left to the first
son, that the vanity of the parent may be gratified
by the thought that his name and title are to de-
scend unimpaired to succeeding generations. The
condition of this class in Europe to-day teaches
the failure of such hopes or ambitions. The suc-
cessors have become impoverished through their
follies, or from the fall in the value of land. Even
in Great Britain the strict law of entail has been

8

The Gospel of Wealth

found inadequate to maintain an hereditary class.
Its soil is rapidly passing into the hands of the
stranger. Under republican institutions the divi-
sion of property among the children is much
fairer ; but the question which forces itself upon
thoughtful men in all lands is, Why should men
leave great fortunes to their children ? If this is
done from affection, is it not misguided affection ?
Observation teaches that, generally speaking, it is
not well for the children that they should be so
burdened. Neither is it well for the State. Be-
yond providing for the wife and daughters mod-
erate sources of income, and very moderate allow-
ances indeed, if any, for the sons, men may well
hesitate ; for it is no longer questionable that jgreat
sums bequeathed often work more for the injury
than for the good of the xecipients. Wise men
will soon conclude that, for the best interests of
the members of their families, and of the State,
such bequests are an improper use of their means.
It is not suggested that men who have failed to
educate their sons to earn a livelihood shall cast
them adrift in poverty. If any man has seen fit
to rear his sons with a view to their living idle
lives, or, what is highly commendable, has instilled
in them the sentiment that they are in a position
to labor for public ends without reference to pecu-
niary considerations, then, of course, the duty of
the parent is to see that such are provided for in
moderation. There are instances of millionaires'
sons unspoiled by wealth, who, being rich, still
perform great services to the community. Such

9

The Gospel of Wealth

are the very salt of the earth, as valuable as, un-
fortunately, they are rare. It is not the exception,
however, but the rule, that men must regard ; and,
looking at the usual result of enormous sums con-
ferred upon legatees, the thoughtful man must
shortly say, " I would as soon leave to my son a
curse as the almighty dollar," and admit to him-
self that it is not the welfare of the children, but
family pride, which inspires these legacies. J

As to the second mode, that of leaving wealth
at death for public uses, it may be said that this
is only a means for the disposal of wealth, pro-
vided a man is content to wait until he is dead
before he becomes of much good in the world.
Knowledge of the results of legacies bequeathed
is not calculated to inspire the brightest hopes of
much posthumous good being accomplished by
them. The cases are not few in which the real
object sought by the testator is not attained, nor
are they few in which his real wishes are thwarted.
In many cases the bequests are so used as to be-
come only monuments of his folly. It is well to
remember that it requires the exercise of not less,
ability than that which acquires it, to use wealth
so as to be really beneficial to the community.
Besides this, it may fairly be said that no man is
to be extolled for doing what he cannot help
doing, nor is he to be thanked by the community
to which he only leaves wealth at death. Men
who leave vast sums in this way may fairly be
thought men who would not have left it at all

IO

The Gospel of Wealth

had they been able to take it with them. The
memories of such cannot be held in grateful re-
membrance, for there is no grace in their gifts.
It is not to be wondered at that such bequests
seem so generally to lack the blessing.

The growing disposition to tax more and more
heavily large estates left at death is a cheering
indication of the growth of a salutary change in
public opinion. The State of Pennsylvania now
takes — subject to some exceptions — one tenth of
the property left by its citizens. The budget pre-
sented in the British Parliament the other day
proposes to increase the death duties; and, most
significant of all, the new tax is to be a graduated
one. Of all forms of taxation this seems the wis-
est. Men who continue hoarding great sums all
their lives, the proper use of which for public ends
would work good to the community from which it
chiefly came, should be made to feel that the
community, in the form of the State, cannot
thus be deprived of its proper share. By tax-
ing estates heavily at death the State marks its
condemnation of the selfish millionaire's unworthy
life.

It is desirable that nations should go much fur-
ther in this direction. Indeed, it is difficult to set
bounds to the share of a rich man's estate which
should go at his death to the public through the
agency of the State, and by all means such taxes
should be graduated, beginning at nothing upon
moderate sums to dependants, and increasing rap-

II

The Gospel of Wealth

idly as the amounts swell, until of the millionaire's
hoard, as of Shylock's, at least

The other half
Comes to the privy coffer of the State.

This policy would work powerfully to induce the
rich man to attend to the administration of wealth
during his life, which is the end that society should
always have in view, as being by far the most
fruitful for the people. Nor need it be feared that
this policy would sap the root of enterprise and
render men less anxious to accumulate, for, to the
class whose ambition it is to leave great fortunes
and be talked about after their death, it will attract
even more attention, and, indeed, be a somewhat
nobler ambition, to have enormous sums paid over
to the State from their fortunes.

There remains, then, only one mode of using
great fortunes ; but in this we have the true anti-
dote for the temporary unequal distribution _of
wealth, the reconciliation of the rich and the poor
— a reign of harmony, another ideal, differing,
indeed, from that of the Communist in requiring
only the further evolution of existing conditions,
not the total overthrow of our civilization. It is
founded upon the presenTmost intense Individual-
ism, and the race is prepared to put it in practice
by degrees whenever it pleases. Under its sway
we shall have an ideal State, in which the surplus
wealth of the few will become, in the best sense,
the property of the many, because administered
for the common good; and this wealth, passing

12

The Gospel of Wealth

through the hands of the few, can be made a much
more potent force for the elevation of_our race
than if distributed in small sums to the jpeopjo
themselves. Even the poorest can be made to see
this, and" to agree that great sums gathered by-
some of their fellow- citizens and spent for public
purposes, from which the masses reap the principal
benefit, are more valuable to them than if scattered
among themselves in trifling amounts through the
course of many years.

If we consider the results which flow from the
Cooper Institute, for instance, to the best portion
of the race in New York not possessed of means,
and compare these with those which would have
ensued for the good of the masses from an equal
sum distributed by Mr. Cooper in his lifetime in
the form of wages, which is the highest form of
distribution, being for work done and not for char-
ity, we can form some estimate of the possibilities
for the improvement of the race which lie em-
bedded in the present law of the accumulation of
wealth. Much c£ this sum, if distributedjn small
quantities among the people, would .have been
wasted in the indulg ence of appetite, some of it in
excess, and""IF"may be doubted whether even the
paH put to the best use, that of adding to the com^
forts of the .home, would have yielde<T results for "
the race, as a race, at all comparable to those which
are flowing and are to flow from the Cooper Insti-
tute from generation to generation. Let the advo-
cate of violent or radical change ponder well this
thought.

r 3

The Gospel of Wealth

"We might even go so far as to take another in-
stance — that of Mr. Tilden's bequest of five mil-
lions of dollars for a free library in the city of New
York; but in referring to this one cannot help
saying involuntarily: How much better if Mr.
Tilden had devoted the last years of his own life
to the proper administration of this immense sum ;
in which case neither legal contest nor any other
cause of delay could have interfered with his aims.
But let us assume that Mr. Tilden's millions finally
become the means of giving to this city a noble
public library, where the treasures of the world
contained in books will be open to all forever,
without money and without price. Considering
the good of that part of the race which congre-
gates in and around Manhattan Island, would its
permanent benefit have been better promoted had
these millions been allowed to circulate in small
sums through the hands of the masses ? Even the
most strenuous advocate of Communism must
entertain a doubt upon this subject. Most of those
who think will probably entertain no doubt what-
ever.
| Poor and restricted are our opportunities in this
\ life, narrow our horizon, our best work most im-
! perfect ; but rich men should be thankful for one
inestimable boon. They have it in their power
during their lives to busy themselves in organizing
benefactions from which the masses of their fel-
lows will derive lasting advantage, and thus dignify
their own lives. The highest life is probably to
be reached, not by such imitation of the life of

The Gospel of Wealth

Christ as Count Tolstoi gives us, but, while ani-
mated by Christ's spirit, by recognizing the changed
conditions of this age, and adopting modes of ex-
pressing this spirit suitable to the changed condi-
tions under which we live, still laboring for the
good of our fellows, which was the essence of his
life and teaching, but laboring in a different man-
ner.

This, then, is held to be the duty of the man
of wealth: To set an example of modest, unos-
tentatious living, shunning display or extrava-
gance; to provide moderately for the legitimate
wants of those dependent upon him; and, after
doing so, to cpnfiider_jiU_si3TpJhas_revenues_ which _
cism^to^him- simply as trust, funds, which he is.
caUedupon to administer, and, strictly bound as a
matter of duty to administer in the manner which,
in his judgment, is best calculated tojaroduce the
most beneficial results f or the community — the
man of "wealth thus becoming the_ mere trustee
"and agent for his poorer brethren, bringing to
their service his superior wisdom, experience, and
ability to administer, doing for them better than
they would or could do for themselves.

"We are met here with the difficulty of determin-
ing what are moderate sums to leave to mem-
bers of the family ; what is modest, unostentatious
living; what is the test of extravagance. There
must be different standards for different conditions.
The answer is that it is as impossible to name
exact amounts or actions as it is to define good
manners, good taste, or the rules of propriety;

15

The Gospel of Wealth

but, nevertheless, these are verities, well known,
although indefinable. Public sentiment is quick
to know and to feel what offends these. So in
the case of wealth. The rule in regard to good
taste in the dress of men or women applies here.
Whatever makes one conspicuous offends the
canon. If any family be chiefly known for dis-
play, for extravagance in home, table, or equipage,
for enormous sums ostentatiously spent in any
form upon itself — if these be its chief distinctions,
we have no difficulty in estimating its nature or
culture. So likewise in regard to the use or abuse
of its surplus wealth, or to generous, free-handed
cooperation in good public uses, or to unabated
efforts to accumulate and hoard to the last, or
whether they administer or bequeath. The verdict
rests with the best and most enlightened public
sentiment. The community will surely judge, and
its judgments will not often be wrong.

The best uses to which surplus wealth can be
put have already been indicated. Those who
would administer wisely must, indeed, be wise ;
for one of the serious obstacles to the improve-
ment of our race is indiscriminate charity. It
were better for mankihd~that the millions o f th e
rich were thrown into the sea than so spent as to
ejicourage the slothful, the drunken, the unworthy^
Of every thousand dollars spent in so-called charity
to-day, it is probable that nine hundred and fifty
dollars is unwisely spent — so spent, indeed, as to
produce the, very evils which it hopes to mitigate or
cure. A well-known writer of philosophic books ad-

16

The Gospel of Wealth

mitted the other day that he had given a quarter of
a dollar to a man who approached him as he was
coming to visit the house of his friend. He knew
nothing of the habits of this beggar, knew not the
use that would be made of this money, although
he had every reason to suspect that it would be
spent improperly. This man professed to be a
disciple of Herbert Spencer ; yet the quarter-dollar
given that night will probably work more injury
than all the money will do good which its thought-
less donor will ever be able to give in true charity.
He only gratified his own feelings, saved himself
from annoyance — and this was probably one of
the most selfish and very worst actions of his life,
for in all respects he is most worthy.

In bestowing charity, the main consideration
should be to help those who will help themselves ;
to provide part of the means by which those who
desire to improve may do so; to give those who
desire to rise the aids by which they may rise ; to _
assist, but rarely or never to do all. y Neither the
individual nor the race is improved by almsgiving.
Those worthy of assistance, except in rare cases,
seldom require assistance. The really valuable
men of the race never do, except in case of acci-
dent or sudden change. Every one has, of course,
cases of individuals brought to his own knowledge
where temporary assistance can do genuine good,
and these he will not overlook. But the amount
which can be wisely given by the individual for
individuals is necessarily limited by his lack of
knowledge of the circumstances connected with

I 7

The Gospel of Wealth

each. He is the only true reformer who is as care-
ful and as anxious not to aid the unworthy as he is
to aid the worthy, and, perhaps, even more so, for
in almsgiving more injury is probably done by
rewarding vice than by relieving virtue.

The rich man is thus almost restricted to follow-
ing the examples of Peter Cooper, Enoch Pratt of
Baltimore, Mr. Pratt of Brooklyn, Senator Stan-
ford, and others, who know that the best means of
benefiting the community is to place within its
reach the ladders upon which the aspiring can
rise — free libraries, j>arks, and means o f recr ea-
tion, by which men are helped in body and. jnind ;
works of art, certain to give pleasure and-improve
the public taste ; and public institutions of various
kinds, which will improve the general condition of
the people ; in this manner returning their surplus
wealth to the mass of their fellows in the forms
best calculated to do them lasting good.

Thus is the problem of rich and poor to be
solved. The laws of accumulationw ill be left f ree,
the laws of distribution free. Individualism will
continue, but the millionaire will be but a trustee
for the poor, intrusted for a season with a great
part of the increased wealth of the community, but
administering it for the community far better than
it could or would have done for itself. The best
minds will thus have reached a stage in the devel-
opment of the race in which it is clearly seen that
there is no mode of disposing of surplus wealth
creditable to thoughtful and earnest men into
whose hands it flows, save by using it year by

18

The Gospel of Wealth

year for the general good. This day already
dawns. Men may die without incurring the pity
of their fellows, still sharers in great business en-
terprises from which their capital cannot be or has
not been withdrawn, and which is left chiefly at
death for public uses ; yet the day is not far distant
when the man who dies leaving behind him mil-
lions of available wealth, which was free for him to
administer during life, will pass away " unwept,
unhonored, and unsung," no matter to what uses he
leaves the dross which he cannot take with him.
Of such as these the public verdict will then be :
" The ^ man who die s thus rich dies disgraced£____
Such, in my opinion, is the true gospel concern-
ing wealth, obedience to which is destined some
day to solve the problem of the rich and the poor,
and to bring "Peace on earth, among men good
will."

n

THE BEST FIELDS FOE PHILANTHROPY

While " The Gospel of "Wealth " has met a cor-
dial reception upon this side of the Atlantic, it is
natural that in the motherland it should have
attracted more attention, because the older civili-
zation is at present brought more clearly face to
face with socialistic questions. The contrast be-
tween the classes and the masses, between rich and
poor, is not yet quite so sharp in this vast, fertile,
and developing continent, with less than twenty

. r 9

The Gospel of Wealth

persons per square mile, as in crowded little Britain,
with fifteen times that number and no territory
unoccupied. Perhaps the "Pall Mall Gazette"
in its issue of September 5 puts most pithily the
objections that have been raised to what the Eng-
lish have been pleased to call "The Gospel of
Wealth." 1 I quote : " Great fortunes, says Mr. Car-
negie, are great blessings to a community, because
such and such things may be done with them.
Well, but they are also a great curse, for such and
such things are done with them. Mr. Carnegie's
preaching, in other words, is altogether vitiated by
Mr. Benzon's practice. The gospel of wealth_is ...
killed by the acts."

To this the reply seems obvious: the gospel of
Christianity is also killed by the acts. The same
objection that is urged against the gospel of wealth
lies against the commandment, "Thou shalt not
steal." It is no argument against a gospel that it
is not lived up to ; indeed, it is an argument in its
favor, for a gospel must be higher than the pre-
vailing standard. It is no argument against a law
that it is broken : in that disobedience lies the rea-
son for making and maintaining the law ; the law
which is never to be broken is never required.

Undoubtedly the most notable incident in regard
to " The Grospel of Wealth" is that it was fortunate
enough to attract the attention of Mr. Gladstone,
and bring forth the following note from him : " I
have asked Mr. Lloyd Bryce ["North American
Eeview"] kindly to allow the republication in this

1 This article appeared originally under the title "Wealth."
20

The Gospel of Wealth

country of the extremely interesting article on
' Wealth,' by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, which has just
appeared in America." This resulted in the pub-
lication of the article in several newspapers and
periodicals, and an enterprising publisher issued it
in pamphlet form, dedicated by permission to Mr.
Gladstone.

All this is most encouraging, proving as it does
that society is alive to the great issue involved, and
is in a receptive mood. Your request, Mr. Editor,
that I should continue the subject and point out
the best fields for the use of surplus wealth, may
be taken as further proof that whether the ideas
promulgated are to be received or rejected, they
are. at least certain to obtain a hearing.

The first article held that there is but one right
mode of using enormous fortunes — namely, that
the possessors from time to time during their own
lives should so administer these as to promote the
permanent good to the communities from which
they were gathered. It was held that public senti-
ment would soon say of one who died possessed of
available wealth which he was free to administer :
" The man who dies thus rich dies disgraced."

The purpose of this paper is to present some of
the best methods of performing this duty of admin-
istering surplus wealth for the good of the people.
The first requisite for a really good use of wealth
by the millionaire who has accepted the gospel
which proclaims him only a trustee of the surplus
that comes to him, is to take care that the purposes
for which he spends it shall not have a degrading,

21

The Gospel of Wealth

pauperizing tendency upon its recipients, but that
his trust shall be so administered as to stimulate
the best and most aspiring poor of the community
to further efforts for their own improvement. It
is not the irreclaimably destitute, shiftless, and
worthless which it is truly beneficial or truly be-
nevolent for the individual to attempt to reach and
improve. For these there exists the refuge pro-
vided by the city or the State, where they can be
sheltered, fed, clothed, and kept in comfortable
existence, and — most important of all — where
they can be isolated from the well-doing and in-
dustrious poor, who are liable to be demoralized
by contact with these unfortunates. One man or
woman who succeeds in living comfortably by
begging is more dangerous to society, and a greater
obstacle to the progress of humanity, than a score
_pf wordy Socialists. The individual administra-
tor of surplus wealth has as his charge the in-
dustrious and ambitious; not those who need
everything done for them, but those who, being
most anxious and able to help themselves, deserve
and will be benefited by help from others and by
the extension of their opportunies by the aid of the
philanthropic rich.

It is ever to be remembered that one of the chief
obstacles which the philanthropist meets in his
efforts to do real and permanent good in this
world, is the practice of indiscriminate giving;
and the duty of the millionaire is to resolve to
cease giving to objects that are not clearly proved
to his satisfaction to be deserving. He must re-

22

The Gospel of Wealth

member Mr. Rice's belief, that nine hundred and
fifty out of every thousand dollars bestowed to-day
upon so-called charity had better be thrown into
the sea. As far as my experience of the wealthy
extends, it is unnecessary to urge them to give of
their superabundance in charity so called. Greater
good for the race is to be achieved by inducing
them to cease impulsive and injurious giving. As
a rule, the sins of millionaires in this respect are
not those of omission, but of commission, because
they do not take time to think, and chiefly because
it is much -easier to give than to refuse. Those
who have surplus wealth give millions every year
which produce more evil than good, and really re-
tard the progress of the people, because most of
the forms in vogue to-day for benefiting mankind
only tend to spread among the poor a spirit of de-
pendence upon alms, when what is essential for
progress is t hat they should be inspired to depend
uponjheir own exertions.. The miser millionaire
who hoards his wealth does less injury to society
than the careless millionaire who squanders his
unwisely, even if he does so under cover of the
mantle of sacred charity. The man who gives to
the individual beggar commits a grave offense, but
there are many societies and institutions soliciting
alms, to aid which is none the less injurious to the
community. These are as corrupting as individual
beggars. Plutarch's " Morals " contains this les-
son : " A beggar asking an alms of a Lacedaemo-
nian, he said : ' "Well, should I give thee anything,
thou wilt be the greater beggar, for he that first

23

The Gospel of Wealth

gave thee money made thee idle, and is the cause
of this base and dishonorable way of living.' " As
I know them, there are few millionaires, very
few indeed, who are clear of the sin of having
made beggars.

Bearing in mind these considerations, let us
endeavor to present some of the best uses to which
a millionaire can devote the surplus of which he
should regard himself as only the trustee.

First. Standing apart by itself there is the
founding of a university by men enormously rich,
such men as must necessarily be few in any coun-
try. Perhaps the greatest sum ever given by an
individual for any purpose is the gift of Senator
Stanford, who undertakes to establish a complete
university upon the Pacific coast, where he amassed
his enormous fortune, which is said to involve the
expenditure of ten millions of dollars, and upon
which he may be expected to bestow twenty millions
of his surplus. He is to be envied. A thousand
years hence some orator, speaking his praise upon
the then crowded shores of the Pacific, may thus
adapt Griffith's eulogy of Wolsey :

In bestowing, madam,
He was most princely. Ever witness for him
This seat of learning, . . .

though unfinished, yet so famous,
So excellent in art, and still so rising,
That Christendom shall ever speak his virtue.

Here is a noble use of wealth. "We have many
such institutions,— Johns Hopkins, Cornell, Packer,

24

The Gospel of Wealth

and others, — but most of these have only been be-
queathed, and it is impossible to extol any man
greatly for simply leaving what he cannot take
with him. Cooper and Pratt and Stanford, and
others of this class, deserve credit and admiration
as much for the time and attention given during
their lives as for their expenditure upon their
respective monuments.

We cannot think of the Pacific coast without
recalling another important work of a different
character which has recently been established there
— the Lick Observatory. If any millionaire be inter-
ested in the ennobling study of astronomy, — and
there should be and would be such if they but gave
the subject the slightest attention, — here is an
example which could well be followed, for the
progress made in astronomical instruments and
appliances is so great and continuous that every
few years a new telescope might be judiciously
given to one of the observatories upon this conti-
nent, the last being always the largest and the best,
and certain to carry further and further the know-
ledge of the universe and of our relation to it here
upon the earth. As one among many of the
good deeds of the late Mr. Thaw of Pittsburg, his
constant support of the observatory there may be
mentioned. This observatory enabled Professor
Langley to make his wonderful discoveries. He is
now at the head of the Smithsonian Institution; a
worthy successor to Professor Henry. Connected
with him was Mr. Braeshier of Pittsburg, whose
instruments are in most of the principal observa-

25

The Gospel of Wealth

tories of the world. He was a common millwright,
but Mr. Thaw recognized his genius and was his
main support through trying days. This common
workman has been made a professor by one of the
foremost scientific bodies of the world. In apply-
ing part of his surplus in aiding these two now
famous men, the millionaire Thaw did a noble
work. Their joint labors have brought great credit,
and are destined to bring still greater credit, upon
their country in every scientific center throughout
the world.

It is reserved for very few to found universities,
and, indeed, the use for many, or perhaps any, new
universities does not exist. More good is hence-
forth to be accomplished by adding to and extend-
ing those in existence. But in this department a
wide field remains for the millionaire as distin-
guished from the Croesus among millionaires. The
gifts to Yale University have been many, but there
is plenty of room for others. The School of Fine
Arts, founded by Mr. Street, the Sheffield Scien-
tific School, endowed by Mr. Sheffield, and Profes-
sor Loomis's fund for the observatory, are fine
examples. Mrs. C. J. Osborne's building for read-
ing and recitation is to be regarded with especial
pleasure as being the wise gift of a woman. Har-
vard University has not been forgotten ; the Pea-
body Museum and the halls of Wells, Matthews,
and Thayer may be cited. Sever Hall is worthy
of special mention, as showing what a genius like
Richardson could do with the small sum of a hun-
dred thousand dollars. The Vanderbilt University,

26

The Gospel of Wealth

at Nashville, Tennessee, may be mentioned as a true
product of the gospel of wealth. It was established
by the members of the Vanderbilt family during
their lives — mark this vital feature, during their
lives ; for nothing counts for much that is left by a
man at his death. Such funds are torn from him,
not given by him. If any millionaire be at a loss
to know how to accomplish great and indisputable
good with his surplus, here is a field which can
never be fully occupied, for the wants of our
universities increase with the development of the
country.

Second. The result of my own study of the
question, "What is the best gift which can be given
to a community ? is that a free library occupies the
first place, provided the community will accept and
maintain it as a public institution, as much a part
of the city property as its public schools, and, in-
deed, an adjunct to these. It is, no doubt, possible
that my own personal experience may have led me
to value a free library beyond all other forms of
beneficence. When I was a working-boy in Pitts-
burg, Colonel Anderson of Allegheny — a name
I can never speak without feelings of devotional
gratitude — opened his little library of four hun-
dred books to boys. Every Saturday afternoon he
was in attendance at his house to exchange books.
No one but he who has felt it can ever know the
intense longing with which the arrival of Saturday
was awaited, that a new book might be had. My
brother and Mr. Phipps, who have been my princi-
pal business partners through life, shared with me

27

The Gospel of Wealth

Colonel Anderson's precious generosity, and it was
when reveling in the treasures which he opened to
us that I resolved, if ever wealth canie to me, that
it should be used to establish free libraries, that
other poor boys might receive opportunities simi-
lar to those for which we were indebted to that
noble man.

Great Britain has been foremost in appreciating
the value of free libraries for its people. Parlia-
ment passed an act permitting towns and cities to
establish and maintain these as municipal institu-
tions; whenever the people of any town or city
voted to accept the provisions of the act, the au-
thorities were authorized to tax the community to
the extent of one penny in the pound valuation.
Most of the towns already have free libraries under
this act. Many of these are the gifts of rich men,
whose funds have been used for the building, and
in some cases for the books also, the communities
being required to maintain and to develop the
libraries. And to this feature I attribute most of
their usefulness. An endowed institution is liable
to become the prey of a clique. The public ceases
to take interest in it, or, rather, never acquires in-
terest in it. The rule has been violated which
requires the recipients to help themselves. Every-
thing has been done for the community instead of
its being only helped to help itself, and good results
rarely ensue.

Many free libraries have been established in our
country, but none that I know of with such wisdom
as the Pratt Library in Baltimore. Mr. Pratt built

28

The Gospel of Wealth

and presented the library to the city of Baltimore,
with the balance of cash handed over; the total
cost was one million dollars, upon which he re-
quired the city to pay five per cent, per annum,
fifty thousand dollars per year, to trustees for the
maintenance and development of the library and
its branches. During 1888 430,217 books were
distributed ; 37,196 people of Baltimore are regis-
tered upon the books as readers. And it is safe to
say that 37,000 frequenters of the Pratt Library
are of more value to Baltimore, to the State, and
to the country, than all the inert, lazy, and hope-
lessly poor in the whole nation. And it may fur-
ther be safely said that, by placing books within
the reach of 37,000 aspiring people which they
were anxious to obtain, Mr. Pratt has done more
for the genuine progress of the people than has
been done by all the contributions of all the mil-
lionaires and rich people to help those who cannot
or will not help themselves. The one wise admin-
istrator of his surplus has poured a fertilizing
stream upon soil that was ready to receive it and
return a hundredfold. The many squanderers have
not only poured their streams into sieves which can
never be filled — they have done worse : they have
poured them into stagnant sewers that breed the
diseases which most afflict the body politic. And
this is not all. The million dollars of which Mr.
Pratt has made so grand a use are something, but
there is something greater still. When the fifth
branch library was opened in Baltimore, the
speaker said:

2 9

The Gospel of Wealth

Whatever may have been done in these four years, it
is my pleasure to acknowledge that much, very much,
is due to the earnest interest, the wise counsels, and the
practical suggestions of Mr. Pratt. He never seemed to
feel that the mere donation of great wealth for the benefit
of his fellow-citizens was all that would be asked of him,
but he wisely labored to make its application as compre-
hensive and effective as possible. Thus he constantly
lightened burdens that were, at times, very heavy, brought
good cheer and bright sunshine when clouds flitted across
the sky, and made every officer and employee feel that
good work was appreciated, and loyal devotion to duty
would receive hearty commendation.

This is the finest picture I have ever seen of any
of the millionaire class. As here depicted, Mr.
Pratt is the ideal disciple of the gospel of
wealth. We need have no fear that the mass of
toilers will fail to recognize in such as he their
best leaders and their most invaluable allies; for
the problem of poverty and wealth, of employer
and employed, will be practically solved whenever
the time of the few is given, and their wealth is
administered during their lives, for the best good
of that portion of the community which has not
been burdened with the responsibilities which
attend the possession of wealth. We shall have
no antagonism between classes when that day
comes, for the high and the low, the rich and the
poor, shall then indeed be brothers.

No millionaire will go far wrong in his search
for one of the best forms for the use of his surplus
who chooses to establish a free library in any com-

30

The Gospel of Wealth

munity that is willing to maintain and develop it.
John Bright's words should ring in his ear : " It is
impossible for any man to bestow a greater benefit
upon a young man than to give him access to
books in a free library." Closely allied to the
library, and, where possible, attached to it, there
should be rooms for an art-gallery and museum,
and a hall for such lectures and instruction as
are provided in the Cooper Union. The traveler
upon the Continent is surprised to find that every
town of importance has its art-gallery and mu-
seum ; these may be large or small, but each has
a receptacle for the treasures of the locality, in
which are constantly being placed valuable gifts
and bequests. The Free Library and Art Gallery
of Birmingham are remarkable among such insti-
tutions, and every now and then a rich man adds
to their value by presenting books, fine pictures,
or other works of art. All that our cities require,
to begin with, is a proper fire-proof building.
Their citizens who travel will send to it rare and
costly things from every quarter of the globe they
visit, while those who remain at home will give or
bequeath to it of their treasures. In this way col-
lections will grow until our cities will ultimately
be able to boast of permanent exhibitions from
which their own citizens will derive incalculable
benefit, and which they will be proud to show
to visitors. In the Metropolitan Museum of Art
in New York we have made an excellent beginning.
Here is another avenue for the proper use of sur-
plus wealth.

3 1

The Gospel of Wealth

Third. We have another most important de-
partment in which great sums can be worthily
used — the founding or extension of hospitals,
medical colleges, laboratories, and other institu-
tions connected with the alleviation of human
suffering, and especially with the prevention rather
than with the cure of human ills. There is no
danger in pauperizing a community in giving for
such purposes, because such institutions relieve
temporary ailments or shelter only those who are
hopeless invalids. What better gift than a hospi-
tal can. be given to a community that is without
one ? — the gift being conditioned upon its proper
maintenance by the community in its corporate
capacity. If hospital accommodation already ex-
ists, no better method for using surplus wealth
can be found than in making additions to it. The
late Mr. Vanderbilt's gift of half a million dollars
to the Medical Department of Columbia College for
a chemical laboratory was one of the wisest possible
uses of wealth. It strikes at the prevention of
disease by penetrating into its causes. Several
others have established such laboratories, but the
need for them is still great.

If there be a millionaire in the land who is at a
loss what to do with the surplus that has been
committed to him as trustee, let him investigate
the good that is flowing from these chemical labora-
tories. No medical college is complete without its
laboratory. As with universities, so with medical
colleges : it is not new institutions that are required,
but additional means for the more thorough equip-

32

The Gospel of Wealth

ment of those that exist. The forms that benefac-
tions to these may wisely take are numerous, but
probably none is more useful than that adopted by
Mr. Osborne when he built a school for training
female nurses at Bellevue College. If from all
gifts there flows one half of the good that comes
from this wise use of a millionaire's surplus, the
most exacting may well be satisfied. Only those
who have passed through a lingering and danger-
ous illness can rate at their true value the care,
skill, and attendance of trained female nurses.
Their employment as nurses has enlarged the
sphere and influence of woman. It is not to be
wondered at that a senator of the United States,
and a physician distinguished in this country for
having received the highest distinctions abroad,
should recently have found their wives in this
class.

Fowth. In the very front rank of benefactions
public parks should be placed, always provided
that the community undertakes to maintain, beau-
tify, and preserve them inviolate. No more use-
ful or more beautiful monument can be left by any
man than a park for the city in which he was born
or in which he has long lived, nor can the commu-
nity pay a more graceful tribute to the citizen who
presents it than to give his name to the gift. Mrs.
Schenley's gift last month of a large park to the
city of Pittsburg deserves to be noted. This lady,
although born in Pittsburg, married an English
gentleman while yet in her teens. It is forty
years and more since she took up her residence in

33

The Gospel of Wealth

London among the titled and the wealthy of the
world's metropolis, but still she turns to the home
of her childhood and by means of Schenley Park
links her name with it forever. A noble use this
of great wealth by one who thus becomes her own
administrator. If a park be already provided,
there is still room for many judicious gifts in con-
nection with it. Mr. Phipps of Allegheny has
given conservatories to the park there, which are
visited by many every day of the week, and crowded
by thousands of working-people every Sunday;
for, with rare wisdom, he has stipulated as a con-
dition of the gift that the conservatories shall be
open on Sundays. The result of his experiment
has been so gratifying that he finds himself justi-
fied in adding to them from his surplus, as he is
doing largely this year. To lovers of flowers
among the wealthy I commend a study of what
is possible for them to do in the line of Mr. Phipps's
example ; and may they please note that Mr. Phipps
is a wise as well as a liberal giver, for he requires
the city to maintain these conservatories, and thus
secures for them forever the public ownership, the
public interest, and the public criticism of their
management. Had he undertaken to manage and
maintain them, it is probable that popular interest
in the gift would never have been awakened.

The parks and pleasure-grounds of small towns
throughout Europe are not less surprising than
their libraries, museums, and art-galleries. I saw
nothing more pleasing during my recent travels
than the hill at Bergen, in Norway. It has been

34

The Gospel of Wealth

converted into one of the most picturesque of plea-
sure-grounds ; fountains, cascades, waterfalls, de-
lightful arbors, fine terraces, and statues adorn
what was before a barren mountain-side. Here is
a field worthy of study by the millionaire who
would confer a lasting benefit upon his fellows.
Another beautiful instance of the right use of
wealth in the direction of making cities more and
more attractive is to be found in Dresden. The
owner of the leading paper there bequeathed its
revenues forever to the city, to be used in beauti-
fying it. An art committee decides, from time to
time, what new artistic feature is to be intro-
duced, or what hideous feature is to be changed,
and as the revenues accrue, they are expended in
this direction. Thus, through the gift of this pa-
triotic newspaper proprietor his native city of
Dresden is fast becoming one of the most artistic
places of residence in the whole world. A work
having been completed, it devolves upon the city
to maintain it forever. May I be excused if I
commend to our millionaire newspaper proprie-
tors the example of their colleague in the capital
of Saxony?

Scarcely a city. of any magnitude in the older
countries is without many structures and features
of great beauty. Much has been spent upon orna-
ment, decoration, and architectural effect. We are
still far behind in these things upon this side of
the Atlantic. Our Republic is great in some
things — in material development unrivaled; but
let us always remember that in art and in the finer

35

The Gospel of Wealth

touches we have scarcely yet taken a place. Had
the exquisite Memorial Arch recently erected tem-
porarily in New York been shown in Dresden, the
art committee there would probably have been
enabled, from the revenue of the newspaper given
by its owner for just such purposes, to order its
permanent erection to adorn the city forever. 1

While the bestowal of a park upon a community
will be universally approved as one of the best
uses for surplus wealth, in embracing such addi-
tions to it as conservatories, or in advocating the
building of memorial arches and works of adorn-
ment, it is probable that many will think I go too
far, and consider these somewhat fanciful. The ma-
terial good to flow from them may not be so directly
visible ; but let not any practical mind, intent only
upon material good, depreciate the value of wealth
given for these or for kindred esthetic purposes as
being useless as far as the mass of the people and
their needs are concerned. As with libraries and
museums, so with these more distinctively artistic
works : they perform their great use when they reach
the best of the masses of the people. It is better to
reach and touch the sentiment for beauty in the
naturally bright minds of this class than to pander
to those incapable of being so touched. For what
the improver of the race must endeavor is to reach
those who have the divine spark ever so feebly
developed, that it may be strengthened and grow.

1 Popular subscriptions have Monument), and two other me-
accomplished this result in the morial arches have been designed
case referred to (the Washington and are to be erected here.— Ed.

36

The Gospel of Wealth

For my part, I think Mr. Phipps put his money to
better use in giving the working-men of Allegheny
conservatories .filled with beautiful flowers, orchids,
and aquatic plants, which they, with their wives
and children, can enjoy in their spare hours, and
upon which they can feed their love for the beau-
tiful, than if he had given his surplus money to
furnish them with bread; for those in health
who cannot earn their brea"d are scarcely worth
considering by the individual giver, the care
of such being the duty of the State. The man
who erects in a city a conservatory or a truly
artistic arch, statue, or fountain, makes a wise
use of his surplus. " Man does not live by bread
alone."

Fifth. We have another good use for surplus
wealth in providing our cities with halls suitable
for meetings of all kinds, and for concerts of ele-
vating music. Our cities are rarely possessed of
halls for these purposes, being in this respect also
very far behind European cities. Springer Hall,
in Cincinnati, a valuable addition to the city, was
largely the gift of Mr. Springer, who was not con-
tent to bequeath funds from his estate at death,
but gave during his life, and, in addition, gave —
what was equally important — his time and busi-
ness ability to insure the successful results which
have been achieved. The gift of a hall to any city
lacking one is an excellent use for surplus wealth
for the good of a community. The reason why the
people have only one instructive and elevating, or
even amusing, entertainment when a dozen would

37

The Gospel of Wealth

be highly beneficial, is that the rent of a hall, even
when a suitable hall exists, which is rare, is so
great as to prevent managers from running the
risk of financial failure. If every city in our land
owned a hall which could be given or rented for a
small sum for such gatherings as a committee or
the mayor of the city judged advantageous, the
people could be furnished with proper lectures,
amusements, and concerts at an exceedingly small
cost. The town halls of European cities, many of
which have organs, are of inestimable value to the
people, utilized as they are in the manner sug-
gested. Let no one underrate the influence of en-
tertainments of an elevating or even of an amusing
character, for these do much to make the lives of
the people happier and their natures better. If any
millionaire born in a small village which has now
become a great city is prompted in the day of his
success to do something for his birthplaces with
part of his surplus, his grateful remembrajpe can-
not take a form more useful than that o«i public
hall with an organ, provided the city ilgrees to
maintain and use it.

Sixth. In another respect we are still much be-
hind Europe. A form of beneficence which is not
uncommon there is providing swimming-baths for
the people. The donors of these have been wise
enough to require the city benefited to maintain
them at its own expense, and as proof of the conten-
tion that everything should never be done for any
one or for any community, but that the recipients
should invariably be called upon to do a part, it is

38

The Gospel of Wealth

significant that it is found essential for the popular
success of these healthful establishments to ex-
act a nominal charge for" their use. In many-
cities, however, the school-children are admitted
free at fixed hours upon certain days ; different
hours being fixed for the boys and the girls to use
the great swimming-baths, hours or days being
also fixed for the use of these baths by women. In
addition to the highly beneficial effect of these
institutions upon the public health in inland cities,
the young of both sexes are thus taught to swim.
Swimming clubs are organized, and matches are
frequent, at which medals and prizes are given.
The reports published by the various swimming-
bath establishments throughout Great Britain are
filled with instances of lives saved because those
who fortunately escaped shipwreck had been
taught to swim in the baths; and not a few in-
stances are given in which the pupils of certain
bathing establishments have saved the lives of
others. If any disciple of the gospel of wealth
gives his favorite city large swimming and private
baths, provided the municipality undertakes their
management as a city affair, he will never be called
to account for an improper use of the funds in-
trusted to him.

Seventh. Churches as fields for the use of sur-
plus wealth have purposely been reserved until the
last, because, these being sectarian, every man will
be governed in his action in regard to them by his
own attachments; therefore gifts to churches, it
may be said, are not, in one sense, gifts to the com-

39

The Gospel of Wealth

munity at large, but to special classes. Nevertheless,
every millionaire may know of a district where the
little cheap, uncomfortable, and altogether un-
worthy wooden structure stands at the cross-roads,
in which the whole neighborhood gathers on Sun-
day, and which, independently of the form of the
doctrines taught, is the center of social life and
source of neighborly feeling. The administrator
of wealth makes a good use of a part of his surplus
if he replaces that building with a permanent
structure of brick, stone, or granite, up whose sides
the honeysuckle and columbine may climb, and
from whose tower the sweet-tolling bell may sound.
The millionaire should not figure how cheaply this
structure can be built, but how perfect it can be
made. If he has the money, it should be made
a gem, for the educating influence of a pure and
noble specimen of architecture, built, as the pyra-
mids were built, to stand for ages, is not to be
measured by dollars. Every farmer's home, heart,
and mind in the district will be influenced by the
beauty and grandeur of the church ; and many a
bright boy, gazing enraptured upon its richly col-
ored windows and entranced by the celestial voice
of the organ, will there receive his first message
from and in spirit be carried away to the beautiful
and enchanting realm which lies far from the mate-
rial and prosaic conditions which surround him in
this workaday world — a real world, this new realm,
vague and undefined- though its boundaries be.
Once within its magic circle, its denizens live there
an inner life more precious than the external, and all

40

The Gospel of Wealth

their days and all their ways, their triumphs and
their trials, and all they see, and all they hear, and all
they think, and all they do, are hallowed by the radi-
ance which shines from afar upon this inner life,
glorifying everything, and keeping all right within.
But having given the building, the donor should
stop there; the support of the church should be
upon its own people. There is not much genuine
religion in the congregation or much good to
come from the church which is not supported at
home.

Many other avenues for the wise expenditure of
surplus wealth might be indicated. I enumerate
but a few — a very few — of the many fields which
are open, and only those in which great or consid-
erable sums can be judiciously used. It is not
the privilege, however, of millionaires alone to
work for or aid measures which are certain to
benefit the community. Every one who has but a
small surplus above his moderate wants may share
this privilege with his richer brothers, and those
without surplus can give at least a part of their
time, which is usually as important as funds, and
often more so.

It is not expected, neither is it desirable, that
there should be general concurrence as to the best
possible use of surplus wealth. For different men
and different localities there are different uses.
What commends itself most highly to the judg-
ment of the administrator is the best use for him,
for his heart should be in the work. It is as im-
portant in administering wealth as it is in any

41

The Gospel of Wealth

other branch of a man's work that he should be
enthusiastically devoted to it and feel that in the
field selected his work lies.

Besides this, there is room and need for all kinds
of wise benefactions for the common weal. The
man who builds a university, library, or laboratory
performs no more useful work than he who elects
to devote himself and his surplus means to the
adornment of a park, the gathering together of a
collection of pictures for the public, or the building
of a memorial arch. These are all true laborers in
the vineyard. The only point required by the
gospel of wealth is that the surplus which ac-
crues from time to time in the hands of a man
should be administered by him in his own lifetime
for that purpose which is seen by him, as trustee,
to be best for the good of the people. To leave at
death what he cannot take away, and place upon
others the burden of the work which it was his
own duty to perform, is to do nothing worthy.
This requires no sacrifice, nor any sense of duty to
his fellows.

Time was when the words concerning the rich
man entering the kingdom of heaven were re-
garded as a hard saying. To-day, when all ques-
tions are probed to the bottom and the standards
of faith receive the most liberal interpretations,
the startling verse has been relegated to the rear,
to await the next kindly revision as one of those
things which cannot be quite understood, but
which, meanwhile, it is carefully to be noted,
are not to be understood literally. But is it so

4-2

The Gospel of Wealth

very improbable that the next stage of thought is
to restore the doctrine in all its pristine purity and
force, as being in perfect harmony with sound
ideas upon the subject of wealth and poverty, the
rich and the poor, and the contrasts everywhere
seen and deplored ? In Christ's day, it is evident,
reformers were against the wealthy. It is none
the less evident that we are fast recurring to that
position to-day ; and there will be nothing to sur-
prise the student of sociological development if
society should soon approve the text which has
caused so much anxiety : " It is easier for a camel
to enter the eye of a needle than for a rich man to
enter the kingdom of heaven." Even if the needle
were the small casement at the gates, the words
betoken serious difficulty for the rich. It will be
but a step for the theologian from the doctrine that
he who dies rich dies disgraced, to that which
brings upon the man punishment or deprivation
hereafter.

The gospel of wealth but echoes Christ's words.
It calls upon the millionaire to sell all that he
hath and give it in the highest and best form to
the poor by administering his estate himself for
the good of his fellows, before he is called upon to
lie down and rest upon the bosom of Mother Earth.
So doing, he will approach his end no longer the
ignoble hoarder of useless millions ; poor, very poor
indeed, in money, but rich, very rich, twenty
times a millionaire still, in the affection, grati-
tude, and admiration of his fellow-men, and —
sweeter far — soothed and sustained by the still,

+3

The Gospel of Wealth

small voice within, which, whispering, tells him
that, because he has lived, perhaps one small part
of the great world has been bettered just a little.
This much is sure : against such riches as these no
bar will be found at the gates of Paradise.

++

THE ADVANTAGES OF POVERTY

From the "Nineteenth Century," March, 1891

THE ADVANTAGES OF
POVERTY

TWO essays from my pen, published in the
" North American Review," have been doubly
fortunate in Britain in being reprinted by the
" Pall Mall Gazette " under the new and striking
title of " The Gospel of Wealth," and in attracting
the attention of the one man who, of all others,
could bring them most prominently before thinking
people. Mr. Gladstone's review and recommenda-
tion in the November number of this Review gave
them the most illustrious of sponsors; he is fol-
lowed in the December number by others of the
highest eminence and authority. The discussion
has taken a wide, range, but I shall restrict myself
to its bearings upon the ideas presented in " The
Gospel of Wealth."

Mr. Gladstone first calls attention to the porten-
tous growth of wealth. From every point of view
this growth seems to me most beneficial ; for we
know that, rapid as is the increase of wealth, its

47

The Advantages of Poverty

distribution among the people in streams more
and more numerous is still more rapid, the share
of the joint product of capital and labor which has
gone to labor during this generation being much
greater than in any generation preceding, and con-
stantly increasing. Evidences, drawn from many
independent sources, converge and prove this be-
yond question. A few enormous fortunes have
been amassed during the present generation in this
new and undeveloped continent, but under condi-
tions which no longer exist. In our day, even in
the United States, it is much easier to lose a great
fortune than to make one, and more are being lost
than made. It is rather surprising, therefore, that
the Rev. Mr. Hugh Price Hughes should say:
" Whatever may be thought of Mr. Henry Q-eorge's
doctrines and deductions, no one can deny that his
facts are indisputable, and that Mr. Carnegie's
'progress' is accompanied by the growing 'pov-
erty ' of his less fortunate fellow-countrymen."

So far as I have observed, all writers of authority
upon social and economic subjects have not only dis-
puted Mr. George's statements, but pronounce their
opposites to be the truth. Mr. George's " Progress
and Poverty" is founded upon two statements:
first, that the rich are growing richer, and the poor
poorer; and second,. that land is going more and
more into the hands of the few. The truth is that
the rich are growing poorer, and the poor growing
richer, and that the land is passing from the hands
of the few into the hands of the many. A. study
of Mulhall's " Fifty Years of National Progress "

48

The Advantages of Poverty

(pages 23-27) is strongly recommended to those
desirous of learning the truth in regard to the dis-
tribution of wealth, upon which Mr. Mulhall says :
" Nor does this wealth become congested among a
small number of people ; on the contrary, the rich
grow less rich and more numerous every year, the
poor fewer in ratio to population."

The same results are shown even in a more re-
markable degree in the Eepublic. In regard to
land, the United States census gives the number
and average size of farms as follows :

(NUMBER OF FARMS) 1

1850 1860 1870 1880

1,449,073 2,044,077 2,659,985 4,008,907

AVERAGE SIZE OF FARMS (ACRES)

1850 1860 1870 1880

203 199 153 134

This tendency to more numerous and smaller hold-
ings exists also in Britain, although hampered in
its operation by repressive laws.

I rejoice that Mr. Hughes quotes the well-known
passage from Herbert Spencer, which, as he says,
" ex poses the sad delusion that great wealth is. a
great blessing"— a passage which is throughout
p^oioundly true ; but is it possible that Mr. Hughes
can be uninformed of the position Mr. George oc-
cupies in the wise mind of our mutual teacher?
In speaking to me of Mr. George's book, Mr. Spen-

1 In 1890 the number of farms in the United States was 4,564,641
and the average size 136£ acres. — Ed.

+9

The Advantages of Poverty *

cer said that he had read a few pages, and then
thrown it down as " trash." I know of no writer
or thinker of recognized authority, except Mr.
Hughes, who differs with the philosopher in this
judgment.

So far as the reference to myself is concerned, —
I understand, of course, it is in nowise personal,
but only as the representative of a class, — I
beg to assure Mr. Hughes that the indisputa-
ble fact I know is that my " progress " has inev-
itably carried with it not the " growing poverty,"
but the growing riches of my fellow-country-
men, as the progress of every employer of labor
must necessarily carry with it the enrichment of
the country and of the laborer. Imagine one
speaking of " growing poverty " in the United
States ! The American, more than any other
workman, spends his savings for the purchase of a
home. The savings-banks are only one of several
depositories used by him.

Nevertheless, the returns just made for the year
1890, for all the New England and Middle States
(where millionaires do most abound), comprising a
population of 17,300,000 — more than half the total
population of Britain — show that the deposits are
$1,279,000,000 — say £255,000,000, the increase for
the year being £13,000,000. The number of depos-
itors is 3,520,000, showing that about one out of
every five men, women, and children has a bank-
account, equal practically to one to each family.
The amount of savings invested for homes far ex-
ceeds the savings-bank deposits.

50

" The Advantages of Poverty

The United States census of 1880 shows only
88,665 public paupers in a population of 50,000,000,
mainly aged and superannuated — one third being
foreigners. There were more blind and idiotic
people in the public charitable institutions than
paupers, and half as many deaf-mutes, although
the percentage of the " defective classes " is less than
half that of Europe. The total number of all " de-
pendent " persons cared for was less than five per
thousand, as compared with thirty-three per thou-
sand in the United Kingdom. This percentage
for Britain is happily only about one fourth of
what it has been, and its steady decrease is most
encouraging. Good and charitable workers among
the poor can best accelerate this decreasing pro-
cess, until something like the American figure is
reached, by instilling within the working-classes
of Britain those feelings of manly self-respect and
those habits of sobriety and thrift which distin-
guish their race here, and keep it almost free, not
only from pauperism, but from want or extreme
poverty, except as the necessary result (accident
and sickness excepted) of their own bad habits.

Mr. Hughes would not give currency knowingly
to statements that were the reverse of correct. I
earnestly hope, therefore, that he will satisfy him-
self that every writer of authority is not deceived
when he asserts that poverty, want, and pauperism
are rapidly diminishing quantities ; and most sig-
nificantly so, not so much through almsgiving, or
efforts of the rich, but because of an improvement
through education in the habits of the people

51

The Advantages of Poverty

themselves — the only foundation upon which their
continued progress can surely be built. Mr.
Hughes can also readily learn another indisputable
fact by inquiring at the shipyards of Glasgow, the
iron and steel mills of Sheffield, the coal-mines of
the Midlands, or at industrial establishments gen-
erally — namely, that the working-classes receive
much greater compensation for their services than
they ever did or now do for any other form
of labor, and much greater than they could pos-
sibly receive, except for the establishment of great
enterprises by men of wealth. In these days of
excitement and exaggeration, let it always be borne
in mind that at no period in the history of the
English-speaking race, wherever that race resides,
has it been so easy as it is to-day for the masses
not only to earn comfortable livelihoods, but to
save and have money in bank for a rainy day.
When they fail to do so, the true reformer looks
more to their habits than to existing conditions
for a satisfactory explanation.

So far from its being a fact that "millionaires
at one end of the scale mean paupers at the other,"
as Mr. Hughes says, the reverse is obviously true.
In a country where the millionaire exists there is
little excuse for pauperism ; the condition of the
masses is satisfactory just in proportion as a coun-
try is blessed with millionaires. There is not a
great millionaire among the whole four hundred
millions of China, nor one in Japan, nor in India ;
one or two perhaps in the whole of Russia ; there
are two or three in Germany, and not more than

52

The Advantages of Poverty

four or five in the whole of France, monarchs and
hereditary nobles excepted. There are more mil-
lionaires upon the favored little isle of Britain
than in the whole of Europe, and in the United
States still more, of recent origin, than in Britain ;
and the revenues of the masses are just in pro-
portion to the ease with which millionaires grow.
The British laborer receives more for one day's
handling of the shovel than the blacksmith or car-
penter of China, Russia, India, or Japan receives
for a whole week's labor, and double that of his
Continental fellow- workman. The skilled artisan
of America receives more than twice as much as
the artisan of Britain. Millionaires can only grow
amid general prosperity, and this very prosperity
is largely promoted by their exertions. Their
wealth is not made, as Mr. Hughes implies, at the
expense of their fellow-countrymen. Millionaires
make no money when compelled to pay low wages.
Their profits accrue in periods when wages are
high, and the higher the wages that have to be
paid, the higher the revenues of the employer. It
is true, and not false, therefore, that capital and
labor are allies and not antagonistic forces, and
that one cannot prosper when the other does not.

I feel as if I should apologize for taking so much
space in stating truisms ; but much of the preju-
dice and hostility which unnecessarily exist be-
tween capital and labor arise from such statements
as those quoted.

To return to Mr. Gladstone. Would that his
adhesion to " The Gospel of Wealth " in its entirety

53

The Advantages of Poverty

could be obtained ! Deeply gratifying is the favor
which he accords in general to its scope and aim ;
but the destructive character of its criticism upon
one vital point is important. He is quite right in
saying that, " though partial, it is a serious differ-
ence." It arises from his fond, clinging affection
for the principle of hereditary transmission of po-
sition and wealth, and of business, and for mag-
nificence upon the part of those in station. We
must meet this serious matter at the threshold.

The fundamental idea of the gospel of wealth
is that surplus wealth should be considered as a
sacred trust to be administered by those into whose
hands it falls, during their lives, for the good of
the community. It predicts that the day is at
hand when he who dies possessed of enormous
sums, which were his and free to administer during
his life, will die disgraced, and holds that the aim
of the millionaire should be to die poor. It like-
wise pleads for modesty of private expenditure.

The most serious obstacle to the spread of such
a gospel is undoubtedly the prevailing desire of
men to accumulate wealth for the express purpose
of bequeathing it to their children, or to spend it
in ostentatious living. I have therefore endeavored
to prove that at the root of the desire to bequeath
to children there lay the vanity of the parents,
rather than a wise regard for the good of the chil-
dren. That the parent who leaves his son enor-
mous wealth generally deadens the talents and
energies of the son, and tempts him to lead a less
useful and less worthy life than he otherwise would,

54

The Advantages of Poverty

seems to Hie capable of proof which cannot be'
gainsaid. It is many years since I wrote in a rich J
lady's album, " I should as soon leave to my son a'
curse as the almighty dollar. " Exceptions abound
to every general rule, but I think not more excep-
tions to this rule than to others — namely, that
" wealth is a curse to young men, and poverty a
blessing " ; but if these terms seem rather strong,
let us state the proposition thus : that wealth left
to young men, as a rule, is disadvantageous ; that
lives of poverty and struggle are advantageous.

Mr. Gladstone asks: "Is it too much to affirm
that the hereditary transmission of wealth and po-
sition, in conjunction with the calls of occupation
and of responsibility, is a good and not an evil
thing ? I rejoice to see it among our merchants,
bankers, publishers; I wish it were commoner
among our great manufacturing capitalists." He
also says : " Even greater is the subject of heredi-
tary transmission of land — more important and
more difficult." Mr. Gladstone does not favor en-
tails of money, but adds : " But is it another mat-
ter when in commerce, or in manufacture, or in
other forms of enterprise, such for example as the
business of a great publishing house, the work of
the father is propagated by his descendants ? "

These passages imply that the hereditary trans-
mission of wealth and position and of business are
not detrimental — as I think them — but desir-
able : a good and not an evil thing. Let us take
the first form, that of sons following the occupa-
tions of their fathers. Little, I think, does one

55

The Advantages of Poverty

know, who is not in the whirl of business affairs,
of the rarity of the combined qualities requisite
for conducting the business enterprises of to-day.
The time has passed when business once estab-
lished can be considered almost permanently se-
cure. Business methods have changed ; good will
counts for less and less. Success in business is
held by the same tenure, nowadays, as the Pre-
miership of Britain — at the cost of a perpetual
challenge to all comers. The fond parent who in-
vests his son with imaginary business qualifica-
tions, and places him in charge of affairs — upon
the successful management of which the incomes
of thousands depend — incurs a grave responsibil-
ity. Most of the disastrous failures of the day
arise from this very cause. It is as unjust to the
son as to the community. Out of seven serious
failures during a panic in New York, five were
traced to this root. One of these sons is an exile
to escape punishment for breaking a law which he
did not clearly understand. I have joined with
others in asking the President to pardon him — a
step I have never taken before on behalf of any
law-breaker, but in this case I consider the father,
not the son, the guilty party. The duty of the
head of a great enterprise is to interest capable
assistants who are without capital, but who have
shown aptitude for affairs, and raise these to mem-
bership and management. The banker who hands
over his business to sons, because they are sons, is
guilty of a great offense. The transmission of
wealth and rank, without regard to merit or quali-

56

The Advantages of Poverty

fications, may pass from one peer to another, not
"without much, but without serious injury, since
the duties are matter of routine, seldom involv-
ing the "welfare or means of others ; but the man-
agement of business, never.

But assuming that business enterprises can be
handed over properly in deference to hereditary
claims, is it wise or desirable that they should be ?
I think not. The millionaire business man rates
his vocation higher than I, who sees in it the best
or highest, or even a desirable career for his sons.
The s ons of the wealthy have a right in stinct^
which tells them that to engage in work where the
primary object is gain is unworthy of those who,
relieved from the necessity of earning a livelihood,
are in a position to devote themselves to any of
the hundred pursuits in which their time and.
knowledge can be employed primarily for the good
of the community. „, The sons of the millionaire
are to be regarded with approval who cannot be
induced to take the absorbing and incessant inter-
est in their father's business which is necessary to
save it from ruin. The day is over when even the
richest can play at business, as rich men's sons
must almost invariably do. There are exceptions
where the son shows tastes and decided ability
which rendeFhim the natural successor ; but these
are rare, lar too rare to take into account in esti-
mating the value of a custom. This .ability, .more-
over, should be proved in some other establishment
than that of the father. "__L.::

When we come to the hereditary transmission

57

The Advantages of Poverty

of land, Mr. Gladstone's words are most touching.
He paints a lovely picture of the " wonderful diver-
sity and closeness of the ties by which, when
rightly used, the office of the landed proprietor
binds together the whole structure of rural soci-
ety, . . . that cohesion, interdependence, and af-
fection of the gens which is in its turn a fast-com-
pacting bond of societies at large." But is this a
picture of to-day? Has not that day passed also,
except in a few instances such as that furnished
by the late lamented Lord Tollemache, and upon
a smaller scale by Mr. Gladstone himself, in that
earthly Paradise, Ha warden ?

The cultivation of land is now a business con-
ducted upon a commercial basis by independent
men, whom the landed proprietor no longer leads,
and who most fortunately can lead themselves.
The American citizen, who is himself landlord,
factor, tenant, and laborer, requiring from the
land he owns and tills only the support of himself
and family, has rendered impossible the mainte-
nance of more than one class from the product of
agricultural land anywhere in the world. Know-
ing the kind of citizen which this condition creates,
and knowing also the character of the Scotch
farmer, as evolved through the operation of long
leases which make him practically independent, —
although in his case the magic power of ownership,
which counts for so much, is still lacking, — and
estimating these classes as men and as citizens, I
have no doubt that the balance of advantage, both
to the individual and to the State, is largely in

58

The Advantages of Poverty

favor of the change. Should the abolition of
primogeniture and entail come with the changes
democracy is expected to inaugurate, large estates
in Britain would probably be divided into farms
and owned by the people. The history of Den-
mark in this particular might then be that of Brit-
ain ; and the temptation which now exists to leave
territorial domains to eldest sons would thus be
removed, and Avith it one great obstacle to the
adoption of the gospel of wealth — the desire,
futile as vain, to found or maintain hereditary
families.

Mr. Gladstone instances the Marquis of Salis-
bury succeeding to the office of Prime Minister,
which office ten generations ago was filled by
one of his ancestors, and asks : " Is not this tie
of lineage a link binding him to honor and to
public virtue?" Is not Mr. Gladstone unfortu-
nate in naming Lord Salisbury in support of his
views? I have always regarded him as a strik-
ing instance of the advantage of not being born to
hereditary wealth and position. Like the great
founder of the Cecils, Lord Salisbury himself was
born a commoner — a younger son with a younger
son's portion ; and with the promptings of decided
ability within him, he did everything in his power
to prevent being narrowed and restricted by the
smothering robes of rank and wealth. The laws
of his country forced him to sink his individuality
in a peerage, but for which English history might
have told of a first and a second Cecil, as it tells
of a first and a second Pitt — men too great to be

59

The Advantages of Poverty

obliterated as men by any title. It is a sad de-
scent in historical rank from " Cecil " to the " Mar-
quis " of anything. The highest title which a man
can write upon the page of history is his own name.
Mr. Gladstone's will be there; Gladstone he is,
Gladstone he will remain, even if he tried to make
future generations lose his commanding personality
in the " Dukedom of Clydesdale," or any title what-
ever. But who among his contemporaries in pub-
lic life is to stand this supreme test of masterdom ?
There is room for one only in each generation. It
is safe to predict that, whoever he be, he will re-
semble "Gladstone" in one essential feature: he
will be of the people, free from the disadvantage
of hereditary wealth and position, and stamp his
name and personality upon the glittering scroll.
"Disraeli" promised well for a time, but he fades
rapidly into Beaconsfield — a shadow of a name.
The title proves greater than the man.

As a " Saturday Eeviewer," Robert Talbot Cecil
(what a glorious name to lose !) had proved him-
self a power: it is a hundred to one that, had he
been born to the hereditary title, he would have
remained an obscure commonplace Marquis, re-
sembling in this respect the many generations of
Marquises of Salisbury which had followed each
other, and whose noble history is comprised — and
fully comprised — in " Burke's Peerage " in the three
letters, b, m, d. The only man of his family from
whom he can derive inspiration "binding him to
honor and to public virtue," is the great original
Cecil, and the founder of his own branch of the

60

The Advantages of Poverty

house, who, like himself, was a younger son, and
had neither wealth nor rank. He did not even
reach knighthood till late in his career. The great
Cecil sprang from the people, and had none of the
advantages which Mr. Gladstone, as I think wrongly,
attributes to hereditary wealth and position. Lin-
eage is, indeed, most important, but. only the lin-
eage of the immediate parents ; for in each genera- ,
tion one half of the strain is changed. Fortunately
for the high-placed ones of the earth, it is unneces-
sary for them to scrutinize the characters of their
ancestors beyond the preceding generation. Happy
for the royal children of Britain that they can
dwell upon the virtues of father and mother, and
stop there. Lord Salisbury, like many able men,
perhaps, owes his commanding qualities to his
mother, who was the daughter of a country gentle-
man — a commoner, secure from the disadvantages
of the hereditary transmission of wealth and rank.
It is curious that the present ruler of the other
branch of the English race, our President, has the
same good fortune Mr. Gladstone claims for the
Marquis of Salisbury, his grandfather having been
President. But it is safe to say that the Amerij
can ruler would never have occupied that higli
office had he received fortune and position from!
his grandfather, or had he himself acquired riches.
No party is so foolish as to nominate for the Presi-
dency a rich man, much less a millionaire. Democ-
racy elects poor men. The man must have worked
for his bread to be an available candidate ; and if,
like Lincoln, he has been so fortunate as to be

61

The Advantages of Poverty

compelled to split rails, or, like Grarfield, to drive
mules upon a canal, and subsequently to clean the
rooms and light the fires of the school in part pay-
ment for his tuition, or, like Blaine, to teach school,
so much more successfully does he appeal to the
people. This applies not only to the Presidency :
one of the strongest aspirants for that office lost
his renomination to the Senate because a house
that he erected in Washington was taken as an
indication of tastes incompatible with republican
simplicity of life.

Nothing is more fatal to the prospects of a
public man in America than wealth, or the dis-
play of wealth. The dangers of a plutocracy
that his Eminence Cardinal Manning fears are,
I assure him, purely imaginary. There is no
country in which wealth counts for so little as in
the Republic. The current is all the other way.
Is the influence of lineage less upon the republican
President, in binding him to honor and public
virtue, because neither hereditary rank nor wealth
was transmitted ? Because he is poor and a com-
moner, is he less sensitive to the promptings of
honor and virtue ? I think it will be found that
the best and greatest of Britain do not differ from
the greatest and best of other lands. These have
had a lineage which linked them to honor and to
public virtue, but almost without exception the
lineage of honest poverty — of laborious, wage-
receiving parents, leading lives of virtuous priva-
tion, sacrificing comforts that their sons might
be kept at school — lineage from the cottage of

62

The Advantages of Poverty

poverty, not the palace of hereditary rank and
position.

Mr. Gladstone himself has a lineage. Does it
bind him less than Lord Salisbury is bound by
his to honor and public virtue? His ancestors
were Scotch farmers without wealth or rank, yet I
doubt not that Mr. Gladstone's career has been as
strongly and as nobly influenced by his knowledge
or recollections of the poor and virtuous lives lived
by his forefathers as that of any hereditary mon-
arch or noble who ever lived could be by thoughts
of his ancestors ; and of one thing I am absolutely
sure: he has reason to be much prouder of his
lineage than nobles or monarchs in general can
possibly be of theirs. Among many advantages
arising, not from the transmission of hereditary
wealth and position, but from the transmission of
hereditary " poverty and health," there is one which,
to my mind, overweighs all the others combined.
It is not permitted the children of king, millionaire,
or noble to have father and mother in the close
and realizing sense of these sacred terms. The
name of father, and the holier name of mother, are
but names to the child of the rich and the noble.
To the poor boy these are the words he conjures
with — his guides, the anchors of his soul, the ob-
jects of his adoration. Neither nurse, servant,
governess, nor tutor has come between him and
his parents. In his father he has had tutor, com-
panion, counselor, and judge. It is not given to
the born millionaire, noble, or prince to dwell upon
such a heritage as is his who has had in his mother

6 3

The Advantages of Poverty

nurse, seamstress, teacher, inspirer, saint — his all
in all.

Hereditary wealth and position tend to rob fa-
ther and mother of their children, and the children
of father and mother. It cannot be long ere their
disadvantages are felt more and more, and the
advantages of plain and simple living more clearly
seen.

Poor boys reared thus directly by their parents
possess such advantages over those watched and
taught by hired strangers, and exposed to the
temptations of wealth and position, that it is not
surprising they become the leaders in every branch
of human action. They appear upon the stage,
athletes trained for the contest, with sinews braced,
indomitable wills, resolved to do or die. Such
boys always have marched, and always will march,
straight to the front and lead the world ; they are
the epoch-makers. Let one select the three or
four foremost names, the supremely great in every
field of human triumph, and note how small is the
contribution of hereditary rank and wealth to the
short list of the immortals who have lifted and ad-
vanced the race. It will, I think, be seen that the
possession of these is almost fatal to greatness and
goodness, and that the greatest and the best of our
race have necessarily been nurtured in the bracing
school of poverty — the only school capable of pro-
ducing the supremely great, the genius.

Upon the plea made by " The G-ospel of Wealth "
for modesty of private expenditure, Mr. Gladstone
says : "Among those whose station excuses or even

64

The Advantages of Poverty

requires magnificence, there are abundant oppor-
tunities, and there are also beautiful and graceful
examples of personal simplicity and restraint."
This seems to me a branch from the upas-tree of
hereditary transmission of wealth and position.
Is it true that station requires magnificence, or
true that true dignity of station is enhanced by
simplicity ?

Here are some words of President Cleveland in
his message to Congress upon this point: "We
should never be ashamed of the simplicity and
prudential economies which are best suited to the
operation of a republican form of government and
most compatible with the mission of the American
people. Those who are selected for a limited time
to manage public affairs are still of the people,
and may do much by their example to encourage,
consistently with the dignity of their official func-
tions, that plain way of life which among their
fellow-citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift
and prosperity."

President Cleveland only follows the teachings
and examples of every American President, and
of all others in official station. There are no pe-
cuniary prizes in the Eepublic for judge, bishop,
or President; neither any pensions, except that
judges are retired upon half -pay at seventy years
of age. The very moderate salaries given to all
officials enforce modest expenditure, and the in-
fluence of this upon the nation is as powerful as
salutary. Were some future King of Britain to
announce that the serious consideration of the

65

The Advantages of Poverty-

subject of wealth and poverty had led him to re-
solve to live as the President of the United States
and his family live, upon ten thousand pounds
a year, and to return to the nation, or devote to
public uses, the hundreds of thousands of pounds
spent for magnificence, and were he to live in ac-
cordance with this resolve, would it lessen or en-
hance the true dignity of his life and station?
Would it lessen or enhance his influence? Is it
reasonable to estimate that all the good that mon-
arch could possibly do in his restricted position
would equal that which would flow from setting
the example of living a quiet, unostentatious,
modest life — administering his surplus not upon
himself, but for others ? The only objection that
might be raised against such action is that it
would render the king a personage far too power-
ful for the system of constitutional monarchy,
which requires " king " to be but a word meaning
the will of the Cabinet. The man capable of tak-
ing such action would be not only titular " king,"
but a power in the State. The Right Hon. John
Morley, replying to a question asked by a constit-
uent at a meeting in Newcastle, some time ago,
bearing upon this very point of expenditure and
magnificence in the State, gave expression to the
hope that the highly placed might learn that the
truest dignity consisted in quiet and simple living.
I do not quote his words but the sense of his reply.
Mr. G-ladstone himself will leave behind him many
titles to the affection, gratitude, and admiration of
his countrymen; but when the future eulogist

66

The Advantages of Poverty

says of him — as lie will truly be able to say —
■what is said of Pitt upon his monument in Gjild-
hall, he will pay him the greatest of all tributes.
These words are : " Dispensing for many years the
favours of his sovereign, he lived without ostenta-
tion, and died poor." If we cannot have Mr. Glad-
stone preaching in favor of modest living upon
the part of those in station, we rejoice that none
excels him in the practice of that virtue. It is
seldom we are permitted to extol the example
beyond the precept of the sage.

Upon this subject I thank Mr. Hughes for the
words he has written. He says : " The real ques-
tion is not how much we ought to give away, but
how much we dare retain for our own gratifica-
tion." These words strike home to every man of
wealth and station : " How much dare we retain for
our own gratification?" This is a troublesome
question which will not " down." Giving the one
tenth — the tithe — is easy. The true disciple of
the gospel of wealth has to pass far beyond
that stage. His conscience may be quieted by ar-
guing that he and his family are entitled to enjoy
in moderation the best that the world affords.
The earnest disciple can easily discover the efficacy
of running in debt, as it were, by anticipating the
expected surplus, and engaging in works for the
general good before the cash is in hand, to an ex-
tent which really keeps him without available sur-
plus, and even entails the necessity of figuring how
to meet engagements. He can, when so situated,
consider himself poor, and he will certainly feel

6 7

The Advantages of Poverty

himself so. The personal expenditure of the very
rich forms so small a part of their income, pro-
vided the rule is obeyed which forbids such ex-
travagance as would render them conspicuous,
that they can, perhaps, also find refuge from self-
questioning in the thought of the much greater
portion of their means which is being spent upon
others. But I do not profess that this is entirely
satisfactory, and I am glad to agree with Mr.
Hughes in the very low estimate he places upon
this partial treatment of the serious question he
has raised: "How much dare we retain for our
own gratification?"

Upon the subject of giving, Mr. Gladstone thinks
that I am severe in my judgment of private charity
when I estimate that of every thousand dollars
spent in so-called charity nine hundred and fifty of
them had better be thrown into the sea. The history
of the Charity Organization Society of New York
is here most instructive. Its confidential monthly
bulletin recently gave the names of twenty-three
bogus organizations which were soliciting contri-
butions, many of them, unfortunately, with suc-
cess. These have their printed annual reports,
lists of distinguished contributors, — in many cases,
alas ! these are genuine, — their lady collectors, and
all the other details. "When the various charitable
societies first combined and' compared lists of those
receiving aid, it was found that many names were
upon seven or eight of the lists. Did my space
permit, a story could be told that would impress
upon every wealthy person that his duty is not to

68

The Advantages of Poverty

resolve to give, but to withhold until certain that
his aid will not increase the area of what is called,
in the stirring language of the day, the "hell of
want and misery," which he longs to remove. The
towns of Connecticut have recently been getting
light upon almsgiving. A morning paper says:
" The experience of Hartford with well-to-do public
beggars may be duplicated in almost every town
in Connecticut. A year or two ago, in Norwich, a
town agent investigated the condition of the nu-
merous persons who were receiving town aid. In
forty instances he found that the applicants for
charity had from five hundred to three thousand
dollars in the savings-bank; in one case, that of a
woman who had been drawing ' town money ' for
years, it was found she had nearly twenty thousand
dollars in a local bank."

This is the least deplorable side of the matter,
for the money given to prudent, saving people,
even if they may not need it, cannot produce the
serious consequences of that given to the much
more numerous class who use it for the gratifica-
tion of vice, and to enable them to live in idleness.
Unless the individual giver knows the person or
family in misfortune, their habits, conduct, and
cause of distress, and knows that help given will
aid them to help themselves, he cannot act prop-
erly ; and if he does act to save his own feelings —
which one is very apt to do — he will increase
rather than diminish the distress which appeals to
him. There is really no true charity except that
which will help others to help themselves, and

6 9

The Advantages of Poverty

place within the reach of the aspiring the means to
climb.

I notice a prevalent disposition to think only of
the unfortunate wretches into whom the virtues
necessary for improvement cannot be instilled.
Common humanity impels us to provide for the
actual wants of human beings — to see, through our
poor laws, that none die of starvation, and to provide
comfortable shelter, clothing, and instruction, which
should, however, always be dependent upon work
performed ; but in doing this our thoughts should
also turn to the benefits that are to accrue to those
who are yet sound and industrious and seeking
through labor the means of betterment, by re-
moving from their midst and placing under care
of the State in workhouses the social lepers. Every
drunken vagabond or lazy idler supported by alms
bestowed by wealthy people is a source of moral
infection to a neighborhood. It will not do to
teach the hard-working, industrious man that there
is an easier path by which his wants can be sup-
plied. The earnest reformer will think as much, if
not more, of the preservation of the sound and val-
uable members among the poor, as of any real
change which can be effected in those who seem
hopelessly lost to temperance, industry, and thrift.
He will labor more to prevent than to cure, feel-
ing that it is necessary to remove the spoiled grape
from the bunch, the spoiled apple from the barrel,
mainly for the sake of the sound fruit that remains.
He who would plunge the knife into the social
cancer, if any good is to be effected thereby, must

70

The Advantages of Poverty

needs be a skilled surgeon with steady hand and
calm judgment, with the feelings as nrach under
control as possible ; the less emotion the better.

One reads or hears everywhere of rash proposals,
well-meaning, uo doubt, full of the innocence of
the dove ; but there is no task which more requires
the wisdom of the serpent, which seems woefully
lacking in these sensational schemes. The follow-
ing from Eabbi Adler is sound to the core : " Giving,
however, is an easy matter ; it needs neither special
training nor sustained thought. But the purpose
and methods of charitable relief cannot be learned
without a long and diligent apprenticeship, for
which discipline in the painful school of personal
experience is alone of any avail."

Sorry as I am to say it, the more attention I
give to this subject, the greater the genuine know-
ledge obtained, the higher I am disposed to raise
my estimate of the evil produced by indiscriminate
giving.

From the standpoint of " The Gospel of Wealth "
Mr. Gladstone's criticisms are, indeed, serious —
almost fatal ; for it will be readily seen that if the
hereditary transmission of wealth and position and
of business concerns be not pernicious as a rule, as
I hold, but advantageous to the individuals receiv-
ing these bequests, and to the nation as well, and
if, instead of simplicity, as I think, station requires
magnificence, it will be hard indeed, if not impos-
sible, to teach the wealthy that surplus wealth
should be regarded as a sacred trust to be admin-
istered during their lives for the public good ; they

71

The Advantages of Poverty-
will continue to gather and leave fortunes to their
families or spend them for magnificence as hitherto.
I turn, therefore, for support to the views of the
other contributors.
His Eminence Cardinal Manning says :

Mr. Carnegie tells us plainly, first, that the accumu-
lation of stagnant wealth to be bequeathed to heirs is a
vainglory in the giver, and may be a ruin to the re-
ceiver; secondly, that the bequeathing of wealth for
charities when the man is gone out of life is an empty
way of making a name for generosity ; thirdly, that to
distribute all beyond the reasonable and temperate reserves
due to Mndred and their welfare, inter vivos, or now in life,
with his own will, judgment, and hand to works of public
and private beneficence and utility, is the highest and
noblest use of wealth. This is a gospel, not according to
capital, but according to the mind and life of the Founder
of the Christian world. It is nothing new. It is no
private opinion or exorbitant notion of a morbid prodi-
gality, but the words of soberness and truth. If men so
acted they would change the face of the world.

The Rev. Mr. Hughes writes :

In the long and arduous task of reconstructing society
on a Christian basis, with due and careful regard to all
legitimate existing interests, it would be an inestimable
public service if every one whom Mr. Carnegie represents
would follow the example of Mr. Carnegie in getting rid
of his money as quickly as possible. Mr. Carnegie's gos-
pel is the very thing for the transition period from social
heathenism to social Christianity. If a man is so unfor-
tunate as to have enormous wealth, he cannot do better
than act upon Mr. Carnegie's distributive principles.

72

The Advantages of Poverty

I cannot but express the hope that further reflec-
tion upon the vital points may bring Mr. Gladstone
into closer agreement with our colleagues in the
discussion. In none of their articles is there a
word in support of the advantages of the hereditary
transmission of wealth and position, or of the ne-
cessity for magnificence upon the part of those in
station. Their views seem to be in quite the other
direction.

Fortunately, from this point forward we have
Mr. Gladstone's powerful and unreserved support.
He says: "The accumulation of wealth has had
adversaries, but it has been too strong for them
all ; it is the business of the world." " The Gospel
of Wealth " advocates leaving free the operation of
laws of accumulation. It accepts this condition as
unassailable, and seeks to make the best of it by
directing into new and better channels the streams
of accumulated and accumulating wealth, which it
is found impossible to prevent. But in this, while
we have Mr. Gladstone with us, we have regretfully
lost Mr. Hughes, who rises in stern opposition and
says: "If 'Lay not up for yourselves treasures
upon the earth ' does not forbid the accumulation
of wealth, the New Testament was written on
Talleyrand's principle and was intended to 'con-
ceal thoughts.' "

It is quite true, as Mr. Hughes says, " that ex-
positors can prove anything, and that theologians
can explain away anything." When applied to a
rich man, his view of this very text — only part of
which is quoted by Mr. Hughes — was that he

73

The Advantages of Poverty

strictly complied with the injunction by always
placing his treasures in the safety deposit com-
pany, where he was quite sure " neither moth nor
rust could corrupt, nor thieves break through and
steal." Mr. Hughes quotes the parable of the
master of the vineyard, whose conduct is cited
by Christ with approval. How came he master of
a vineyard? Can he have sinned and "accumu-
lated wealth " for the payment of labor ? Mr.
Hughes says: "Christ distinctly prohibited the
accumulation of wealth." But when Christ spoke,
the revenues of a leading minister, even if divided
among the whole twelve apostles, would have
been accounted " wealth." It seems to me we have
only to interpret literally, in this manner, a few
parts of isolated texts to find warrant for the de-
struction of civilization. Five words spoken by
Christ so interpreted, if strictly obeyed, would at
one blow strike down all that distinguishes man
from the beast. " Take no thought for to-morrow."
There is reason to believe that the forces of Chris-
tianity are not thus to be successfully arrayed
against the business of the world — the accumula-
tion of wealth. The parable of the talents bears
in the other direction. It was those who had
accumulated and even doubled their capital to
whom the Lord said : " Well done, thou good and
faithful servant : thou hast been faithful over a few
things, I will make thee ruler over many things :
enter thou into the joy of thy Lord."

Those who had "laid up" their treasures and
not increased them were reprimanded. Consider

74

The Advantages of Poverty

the millionaire who continues to use his capital
actively in enterprises which give employment and
develop the resources of the world. He who man-
ages the ships, the mines, the factories, cannot
withdraw his capital, for this is the tool with which
he works such beneficent wonders ; nor can he re-
strict his operations, for the cessation of growth
and improvement in any industrial undertaking
marks the beginning of decay. The demands of
the world for new and better things are continu-
ous, and existing establishments must supply these,
or lose even the trade they now have. I hope Mr.
Hughes will find good ground for an interpretation
which justifies the belief that the text has no bear-
ing upon him, but is intended solely for those who
hoard realized capital, adding the interest obtained
for its use to the principal, and dying with their
treasures "laid. up," which should have been used
as they accrued during the life of the individual
for public ends, as the gospel of wealth requires.

Acting in accordance with this advice, it be-
comes the duty of the millionaire to increase his
revenues. The struggle for more is completely
freed from selfish or ambitious taint and becomes
a noble pursuit. Then he labors not for self, but
for others ; not to hoard, but to spend. The more
he makes, the more the public gets. His whole
life is changed from the moment that he resolves
to become a disciple of the gospel of wealth,
and henceforth he labors to acquire that he may
wisely administer for others' good. His daily labor
is a daily virtue. Instead of destroying, impairing,

75

The Advantages of Poverty

or disposing of the tree which yields such golden
fruit, it does not degrade his life nor even his old
age to continue guarding the capital from which
alone he can obtain the means to do good. He
may die leaving a sound business in which his
capital remains, but beyond this die poor, pos-
sessed of no fortune which was free for him to dis-
tribute, and therefore, I submit, not justly charge-
able with belonging to the class which " lay up
their treasures upon earth."

In this . connection I commend to my reverend
colleague the sermon of the founder of his church
(" The Use of Money," American edition, vol. i. p. 44,
Sermon 50). He says :

Gain all you can by honest industry. Use all pos-
sible diligence in your calling. Lose no time. Gain all
you can by common sense, by using in your business all
the understanding which God has given you. It is amaz-
ing to observe how few do this — how men run on in the
same dull track with their forefathers.

Having gained all you can by honest wisdom and un-
wearied diligence, the second rule of Christian prudence
is, " Save all you can." Do not throw it away in idle
expenses — to gratify pride, etc. If you desire to be a
good and faithful steward, out of that portion of your
Lord's goods which he has for the present lodged in your
hands, first provide things needful for yourself, food, rai-
ment, etc.

Second, provide these for your wife, your children, your
servants, and others who pertain to your household. If
then you have an overplus, do good to them that are
of the household of faith. If there be still an overplus,
do good to all men.

7 6

The Advantages of Poverty

Upon this sermon the gospel of wealth seems
founded. Indeed, had I known of its existence be-
fore writing upon the subject, I should certainly
have quoted it. I shall, therefore, not be shaken,
even if a leading disciple of Wesley informs us
that Mr. Carnegie (as representing the millionaire
class, of course) is an "anti-Christian phenom-
enon," a " social monstrosity," and a " grave politi-
cal peril," and says that " in a really Christian
country — that is, in a country constructed upon a
Christian basis — a millionaire would be an eco-
nomic impossibility." The millionaire class needs
no defense, although Mr. Hughes thinks it no
longer of use since joint-stock companies provide
the means for establishing industries upon the
large scale now demanded. It is most significant
that the business concerns which have given Britain
supremacy are, with few or no exceptions, the
creations of the individual millionaire — the Cu-
nards, Ismays, Aliens, Elders, Bessemers, Roth-
schilds, Barings, Clarks, Coatses, Crossleys, the
Browns, Siemens, Cammels, Grillotts, Whitworths,
the Armstrongs, Listers, the Salts, Bairds, Samuel-
sons, Howards, Bells, and others. Joint-stock
companies have not yet proven themselves equal
to managing business properly after such men have
created it. Where they have succeeded, it will be
found that a very few individuals, and generally
but one, have still control of affairs. Joint-stock
companies cannot be credited with invention or
enterprise. If it were not for the millionaire still
in business, leading the way, a serious check would

11

The Advantages of Poverty

fall upon future improvement, and I believe busi-
ness men generally will concur in the opinion,
which I very firmly hold, that partnership — a very
few, not more than two or three men — in any line
of business will make full interest upon the capi-
tal invested; while a similar concern as a joint-
stock company, owned by many in small amounts,
will scarcely pay its way and is very likely to fail.
Railroads may occur to some as examples of joint-
stock management, but the same rule applies to
these. America has most of the railroads of the
world, and it is found that whenever a few able
men control a line and make its management their
personal affair, dividends are earned where before
there were none. The railways of Britain being
monopolies, and charging from two to three times
higher rates for similar service than those of
America, only manage to pay their shareholders a
small return. It would be quite another story if
these were the property of one or two able men
and managed by them.

The " promotion " of an individual into a joint-
stock concern is precisely what the promotion of
the individual is from the House of Commons to
the House of Lords. The push and masterfulness
of the few owners who have created the business
are replaced by the limited authority and regu-
lation performance of routine duties by salaried
officials, after promotion. While the career of
both concern and individual may continue respec-
table, it is necessarily dull. They are no longer in
the race ; the great work of both is over. It would

78

The Advantages of Poverty

not be well for Britain's future if her commercial
and manufacturing supremacy depended upon
joint-stock companies. It is her individual mil-
lionaires who have created this supremacy, and
upon them its maintenance still depends. Those
who insure steady employment to thousands, at
wages not lower than others pay, need not be
ashamed of their record; for steady employment is,
after all, the one indispensable requisite for the
welfare and the progress of the people. Still, I am
neither concerned nor disposed to dispute Mr.
Hughes's assertion that in a state under really
Christian principles a millionaire would be an im-
possibility. He may be right; it is a far guess
ahead. But the millionaire will not lack good com-
pany in making his exit; for surely nothing is
clearer than that in the ideal day there can be
no further use whatever for those of Mr. Hughes's
profession. The millionaire and the preacher
will alike have to find some other use for their
talents, some other work to do that they may hon-
orably earn and eat their daily bread. In this I
doubt not both will continue to be eminently suc-
cessful. The successors of the Eev. Mr. Hughes
and myself, arm in arm, will make a pretty pair
out in search of some light work with heavy pay.

Upon speculations as to the future of the race
involving revolutionary change of existing condi-
tions, it seems unwise to dwell. I think we have
nothing whatever to do with what may come a
thousand or a million years hence, and none of us
can know what will come. Our duties lie with the

79

The Advantages of Poverty

present — with our day and generation; and even
these are hard enough to discern. The race toils
slowly upward step by step; it has even to create
each successive step before it can stand upon it, for

Nature is made better by no mean
But nature makes that mean.

If it attempts to bound over intervening space
to any ideal, it will not rise, but fall to lower
depths. I cannot, therefore, but regard such spec-
ulations a waste of time — of valuable time — which
is imperatively required for dealing with the next
step possible in the path upward. And it is in this
light that Mr. Gladstone's suggestion is of the
greatest value. It accepts and builds upon present
conditions — accommodates itself to our present
environments. Mr. Gladstone has been engaged
during his long public career in focusing, as it
were, the various wishes of others, and so grouping
them for a common end that practical results
might follow. It has been his mission to restrain
extremes, and to unite in common action the ad-
vance, the center, and the rear. He shows his rare
constructive skill in suggesting that there should
be formed a brotherhood of those who recognize
their duties to their fellows less favored with this
world's goods. This society will, no doubt, be so
wide as to admit all, no limit being put to the
amount of percentage of his surplus which each
can secretly resolve to devote to others, nor any in-
terference attempted with the wide field of its ap-

80

The Advantages of Poverty

plication. We may expect kindred societies to be
formed throughout the world, and, at intervals,
delegates from these might meet together in one
world-wide brotherhood, thereby strengthening
each other in the desire and effort to do their best
to improve the condition of the masses, and to
bring rich and poor into closer union. Those who
ask, " not how much we ought to give away, but
how much we dare retain," would represent the ad-
vanced section. Passing from this through many
gradations, those who still fondly plead for the
continued hereditary transmission of wealth and
position and for magnificence in station would con-
stitute the other great wing of the army. All would
be equally welcome, equally necessary, it being
enough that members of the brotherhood feel that
the duty of the day is that, intrusted as they are with
surplus wealth beyond their wants, — as their con-
science may determine these wants, — they should
regularly set apart % and expend all or a proportion,
greater or less, of the remainder, for the good of
their less fortunate fellows, in the manner which
seems to each best calculated to promote their gen-
uine improvement. Should Mr. Gladstone's sug-
gestion find the response which it deserves, he will
have added much to the usefulness of his life in a
sphere happily far removed from and far above the
political; a field in which there can be room
neither for strife, jealousy, gain, nor personal am-
bition; a cause so high, so holy, that all its sur-
roundings must breathe of peace, good will,
brotherhood !

8l

The Advantages of Poverty

Every earnest good man, anxious to leave the
world a little better than he found it, will wish Mr.
Gladstone God-speed in his new, inspiring task —
a task which is indeed " too great for haste, too
high for rivalry."

82

POPULAR ILLUSIONS ABOUT
TRUSTS

From the "Century Magazine," May, 1900

POPULAR ILLUSIONS ABOUT
TRUSTS

THE platforms of both parties in the coming
Presidential contest are likely to ring with
express or implied denunciation of trusts, in order
to minister to the popular outcry against them,
many of the people having been led to believe that
great aggregations of capital must be inimical to
the interests of the masses who have little or none.
While this policy may be more or less successful
for the moment, from a party point of view, it
must be ephemeral, because, as the writer hopes to
show,\trusts cannot permanently thwart the laws
of competition, and hence must prove beneficial
agencies for the people. V

The world does not spin round any faster in our
day than it has for ages past, but undoubtedly new
ideas in the world come into view and flash past
with a rapidity hitherto unknown. It seems as if,
in our time, man were chiefly absorbed in obeying
the injunction to try all things. Fortunately, we

8 5

Popular Illusions About Trusts

evolutionists know that in the end he must and
will hold fast only to that which is good for the
organism known as human society. His atti-
tude hitherto toward new things or new ideas has
been one of suspicion and hesitation. We see
traces of this yet in the older countries and older
civilizations; but the bounding, irrepressible,
"cock-sure'' spirit of Western civilization seems
possessed by an entirely different tendency. It
grasps everything new with avidity, and is sanguine
beyond measure of its merits, ever ready to discard
the old, and to see in any new thing the golden
bow of promise. The American is the modern
magician, ever exchanging old lamps for new.
Panaceas for all the ills of life are more numerous
than the ills. Not one doctor, but a hundred, arise,
competent to cure every defect in the body politic,
and none is without patients or — may we write ?
— dupes. We must all have our toys and our fads.
It is natural for man to indulge in the delusions of
hope.

The day is not far past when the industrial world
saw its millennium in the joint-stock idea. Every
department of industry was to be captured by it.
Shares in every conceivable enterprise were to be
distributed among the people en masse, thus in-
suring the much-needed redistribution of wealth,
where every man was no longer a consumer only,
but his own manufacturer, his own transporter,
clothier, butcher, baker, and candlestick-maker.
There was nothing to prevent him being in one
sense his own undertaker through shares in the

86

Popular Illusions About Trusts

" Burial Company, Limited," or the " Crematorium
Company," thus carrying out to his very end the
grand joint-stock corporation panacea. Every
employee in mill or factory, in railway or steam-
ship service, was soon to become an owner, with a
possible future seat on the board.

Though all these over-sanguine expectations
have not been realized through the laws establish-
ing corporations, thus encouraging the massing of
the innumerable small savings of the public in
general, yet few new forms have been productive
of so much benefit to the thrifty and aspiring
people with small savings, who are the salt of the
working millions and of the country, as the cor-
porate idea.

Another highly important step forward in this
domain resulted from the authorization of limited
partnerships, by which the undoubted advantages
of individual over corporate management could be
secured without danger of ruin to the members,
whose liability is limited to the amount of the cap-
ital stock of the partnership. In the great corpo-
ration the shares are generally bought and sold
upon the stock exchange, and the real owners are
unknown. All depends upon salaried officials,
who may or may not have a dollar in the enter-
prise. In the limited partnership, on the contrary,
only shareholders can be members ; the shares are
not sold to outsiders, and thus is insured the eye
of the master over all. With proper, but abso-
lutely necessary, provisions, it is possible, under
this system, to create owners from among excep-

8 7

Popular Illusions About Trusts

tional but poor employees, from whom no capital
is required, the partnership agreeing to permit
the profits to pay for the interest given, the cap-
italistic owners reserving the right to discontinue
the partnership by a two-thirds vote, or a three-
fourths majority vote, should the new partner not
prove desirable. By this plan it is possible to
provide for the rise of the poor but able employee,
thus neutralizing, to some extent, the acknow-
ledged difficulty of men rising to ownership
in our day, because of the enormous amount of
capital required for successful operations under
present, and probably enduring, conditions. The
day of small concerns within the means of many
able men seems to be over, never to return. The
rise to partnership in vast concerns must come
chiefly through such means as these permitted by
the laws of limited partnership.

To-day we hear little of the joint-stock corpora-
tion, which has settled into its proper sphere and
escapes notice. It was succeeded by the " syndi-
cate," a combination of corporations which pulled
together for a time, and expected to destroy de-
structive competition. The word has already al-
most passed out of use, and now the syndicate has
given place to the trust.

We see in all these efforts of men the desire to
furnish opportunities to mass capital, to concen-
trate the small savings of the many and to direct
them to one end. The conditions of human society
create for this an imperious demand ; the concen-
tration of capital is a necessity for meeting the de-

88

Popular Illusions About Trusts

mands of our day, and as such should not be
looked at askance, but be encouraged. There is
nothing detrimental to human society in it, but
much that is, or is bound soon to become, benefi-
cial. It is an evolution from the heterogeneous to
the homogeneous, and is clearly another step in
the upward path of development.

Abreast of this necessity for massing the wealth
of the many in even larger and larger sums for
huge enterprises, another law is seen in operation
in the invariable tendency from the beginning till
now to lower the cost of all articles produced by
man. Through the operation of this law the home
of the laboring man of our day boasts luxuries
which even in the palaces of monarchs as recent
as Queen Elizabeth were unknown. It is a trite
saying that the comforts- of to-day were the luxuries
of yesterday, and conveys only a faint impression
of the contrast, until one walks through the castles
and palaces of older countries, and learns that two
or three centuries ago these had for carpets only
rushes, small open spaces for windows, glass being
little known, and were without gas or water-supply,
or any of what we consider to-day the conveniences
of life. As for those chief treasures of life, books,
there is scarcely a working-man's family which has
not at its command, without money and without
price, access to libraries to which the palace was
recently a stranger.

If there be in human history one truth clearer
and more indisputable than another, it is that the
cheapening of articles, whether of luxury or of ne-

8 9

Popular Illusions About Trusts

cessity or of those classed as artistic, insures their
more general distribution, and is one of the most
potent factors in refining and lifting a people, and
in adding to its happiness. In no period of human
activity has this great agency been so potent or so
wide-spread as in our own. Now, the cheapening
of all these good things, whether it be in the metals,
in textiles, or in food, or especially in books and
prints, is rendered possible only through the opera-
tion of the law, which may be stated thus : cheap-
ness is in proportion to the scale of production. To
make ten tons of steel a day would cost many
times as much per ton as to make one hundred
tons ; to make one hundred tons would cost double
as much per ton as a thousand ; and to make one
thousand tons per day would cost greatly more
than to make ten thousand tons. Thus, the larger
the scale of operation the cheaper the product. The
huge steamship of twenty thousand tons burden
carries its ton of freight at less cost, it is stated,
than the first steamships carried a pound. It is, for-
tunately, impossible for man to impede, much less
to change, this great and beneficent law, from
which flow most of his comforts and luxuries, and
also most of the best and most improving forces in
his life.

In an age noted for its inventions, we see the
same law running through these. Inventions fa-
cilitate big operations, and in most instances re-
quire to be worked upon a great scale. Indeed, as
a rule, the great invention which is beneficent in
its operation would be useless unless operated to

90

Popular Illusions About Trusts

supply a thousand people "where ten were supplied
before. Every agency in our day labors to scatter
the good things of life, both for mind and body,
among the toiling millions. Everywhere we look
we see the inexorable law ever producing bigger
and bigger things. One of the most notable illus-
trations of this is seen in the railway freight-car.
When the writer entered the service of the Pennsyl-
vania Railroad from seven to eight tons were carried
upon eight wheels; to-day they carry fifty tons.
The locomotive has quadrupled in power. The
steamship to-day is ten times bigger, the blast-fur-
nace has seven times more capacity, and the ten-
dency everywhere is still to increase. The contrast
between the hand printing-press of old and the
elaborate newspaper printing-machine of to-day is
even more marked.

We conclude that this overpowering, irresistible
tendency toward aggregation of capital and in-
crease of size in every branch of product cannot be
arrested or even greatly impeded, and that, instead
of attempting to restrict either, we should hail
every increase as something gained, not for the
few rich, but for the millions of poor, seeing that
the law is salutary, working for good and not for
evil. Every enlargement is an improvement, step
by step, upon what has preceded. It makes for
higher civilization, for the enrichment of human
life, not for one, but for all classes of men. It
tends to bring to the laborer's cottage the luxuries
hitherto enjoyed only by. the rich, to remove from
the most squalid homes much of their squalor, and

9 1

Popular Illusions About Trusts

to foster the growth of human happiness relatively-
more in the workman's home than in the mil-
lionaire's palace. It does not tend to make the
rich poorer, but it does tend to make the poor
richer in the possession of better things, and greatly
lessens the wide and deplorable gulf between the
rich and the poor. Superficial politicians may, for
a time, deceive the uninformed, but more and more
will all this be clearly seen by those who are now
led to regard aggregations as injurious.

In all great movements, even of the highest
value, there is cause for criticism, and new dangers
arising from new conditions, which must be
guarded against. There is no nugget free from
more or less impurity, and no good cause without
its fringe of scoria. The sun itself has spots, but,
as has been wisely said, these are rendered visible
only by the light itself sends forth.

The benefits, therefore, which have come to the
world through this law of aggregation and increase
take several forms, to some of which objection is
made.

One form of aggregation is the growth of estab-
lishments constantly extending their field of opera-
tions, the special form which has been most criti-
cized being the department store. We look back
to the time when one petty establishment sold one
class of articles. The subdivision of labor is seen
in its fullest development throughout the Eastern
world, where many servants are required, each
restricted to doing one part of many operations
required to produce one whole. Traces of this

92

Popular Illusions About Trusts

system still linger among us. In dealing with de-
partment stores the first question is, Do they pro-
vide articles at less cost for the masses ? Upon
cheapness, indeed, depends the wider distribution
of desirable articles among the people, the enjoy-
ment of which is greatly to be desired as inevitably
carrying with it elevation to a higher stage of civ-
ilization. Increased comfort means increased re-
finement, and this means a higher standard of life.
No one questions the fact that these great stores do
furnish more value for the money than it was pos-
sible for small separate-selling agencies to do. The
increased scale of operations all under one manage-
ment insures much cheaper distribution. That
they are so generally patronized is the best proof
that they are beneficial, and, what should not be
lost sight of, they are relatively more advantageous
for the general public than for the few rich. In
like manner it is the masses of the people, not the
few, who are most benefited by the growth of huge
and all-embracing establishments in every line of
production and distribution. It is inevitable that
the introduction of a new system should disturb
and finally overthrow the older and less desirable
system.

The chief complaint made against the depart-
ment stores is that, while under the old system of
small separate establishments there were secured
as valuable citizens to the State a hundred inde-
pendent owners, the department store may have
only five. In the writer's opinion, this is a mistake,
as experience already demonstrates that the great

93

Popular Illusions About Trusts

and successful establishment is dependent upon
numerous active members participating directly in
the results. It may be accepted as a law that the
store which interests the greatest number of as-
sistants, other things being equal, will prove the
most successful, and it is a matter of common
knowledge even to-day that in these vast estab-
lishments it is already the rule for all those in
charge of the numerous departments to be directly
interested in the profits. In other words, the small,
petty master in his little store has given place to
the bigger, much more important manager of a de-
partment, whose revenues generally exceed those
of the petty owner he has supplanted. Nor is this
all: the field for the display of exceptional ability
is much wider than it could possibly be in the
smaller establishment, and will as often win part-
nership in one of these establishments, or at least
an equivalent of partnership, as the owner of the
small store achieved success. This bigger system
grows bigger men, and it is by the big men that
the standard of the race is raised. The race of
shopkeepers is bound to be improved, and to be-
come not only better business men, and better men
in themselves, but more valuable citizens for the
State. Dealing with petty affairs tends to make
small men; dealing with larger affairs broadens
and strengthens character.

We have taken department stores as the form
most under criticism, but what we have said here
may be taken as said of all other branches of busi-
ness, that the larger the scale upon which it can be

94-

Popular Illusions About Trusts

successfully conducted the better it is for the race
as a whole, and in greater degree better for the
masses of the race than for the few.

We come now to another phase of aggregation :
the consolidation of various works scattered in dif-
ferent parts of the country into one solid com-
pany. These consolidations are now classed as
trusts.

As far as the consolidation of various plants en-
gaged in one branch of manufacture is concerned,
this is only obeying the great law of aggregation,
which, we have seen, is beneficial, although the
real object of the consolidators may, in some cases,
have been the belief that through these consolida-
tions ruinous competition might be ended. Color
is given to this belief because it is obvious that the
cheapening of product cannot result to so great an
extent by combining works in scattered places as
when one establishment enlarges itself. On the
other hand, something is to be allowed for the claim
that each separate work may be utilized to supply
the wants of a tributary region, thus saving cost of
transportation. The one solid enlarged establish-
ment will, however, probably be able to manufac-
ture its surplus not needed in the region tributary
to it at a cost so much less than is possible at the
small scattered establishments as to enable it to
pay the freight upon what it desires to sell beyond
its natural territory. In so far as consolidation of
scattered works is intended to save cost of trans-
portation, and thus to produce more cheaply, the
consolidation is to be hailed as beneficial for the

95

Popular Illusions About Trusts

country ; for the foundation upon which we rest is
that cheapness of articles leads to their wider dis-
tribution among the masses, and is a gain when
attained. Reduced cost of production, under the
free play of competition, insures reduced prices to
the consumer.

The people are aroused against trusts because
they are said to aim at securing monopolies in the
manufacture and distribution of their products;
but the whole question is, Have they succeeded,
or can they succeed, in monopolizing products?
Let us consider. That the manufacturer of
a patented article can maintain a monopoly
goes without saying. Our laws expressly give
him a monopoly. That it has been wise for
the State to give an inventor this for a time will
not be seriously questioned. So beneficial has it
proved that the nations of the world are one after
the other following our patent laws. Our chief
industrial rival, Great Britain, has done so as far
as possible, and the chairman of the British Patent
Commission expressed to me the regret that i,t was
found impracticable, at present, to go further in
the same direction.

There are only two conditions other than patents
which render it possible to maintain a monopoly.
These are when the parties absolutely control the
raw material out of which the article is produced,
or control territory into which rivals can enter
only with extreme difficulty. Such is virtually the
case with the Standard Oil Company, and as long
as it can maintain a monopoly of raw materials it

9 6

Popular Illusions About Trusts

goes -without saying that it can maintain a monop-
oly in the product. This is a fact that the public
must recognize, but what legislation can do to pre-
vent it is difficult to say. Citizens of the United
States have a right to buy anything they choose.
This right could scarcely be restricted, nor, upon
the whole, would it seem wise to restrict it, since
that of the Standard Oil is the only case in which
monopoly of an article has been secured. It has
been rendered possible only by exceptional ability
and in circumstances not likely ever to occur again.
The price of its continued success is a line of such
able men as its originators. Its second source of
strength lies in the fact that through its extensive
operations it has been enabled to reduce the price
of its product to the consumer. It is a unique
organization, for there is nothing like it in the
world, and therefore it is not to be classed with the
ordinary trusts, which are numerous and are con-
stantly increasing.

Within the last few months a wholly new and
surprising development of the trust idea has ap-
peared in the railway world — one which reflects
much credit upon the brain which conceived it.
This is the purchase by the leading trunk-lines of
large amounts of the stock of their less prominent
competitors. We now see a vice-president of the
Pennsylvania Railway Company sitting on the
board of the Baltimore and Ohio. The possible
outcome of this movement, if pursued, assumes
portentous proportions, far surpassing in their effect
any previous phase of the trust, and may lead to

97

Popular Illusions About Trusts

an extension of the powers of the Interstate Com-
mission, and perhaps to other legislation at pres-
ent unthought of. The subject is too far-reaching
for more than mere mention in this paper. The
country must see its future development, which
will be waited with deep concern by the thought-
ful student of economic problems.

The genesis of trusts is as follows: Manufac-
turers of most staple articles (especially of iron
and steel) are subject to long periods of serious
depression, succeeded by short intervals of high
profits. Because during depression no increase is
made in capacity, and the world's population and
wants are constantly growing, one morning it is
discovered that demand has overtaken and outrun
supply. But the production of an increased supply
is no easy matter. It usually means, beginning
at the beginning, obtaining the raw materials
from mine or soil, passing these through various
processes for which the necessary machinery and
facilities are wanting, and it is a year or eighteen
months, or even two years, before the supply of
most articles can be materially increased. Demand
becomes imperious and unsatisfied, and prices
bound upward. Many new men are induced to
build new works. The extensions of the old works
supply all demands, and even a shade beyond ; then
comes the collapse. It is during one of these long
periods of depression, when many of the manufac-
turers are on the verge of bankruptcy, that there
arises in the heart a hope, soon crystallized into a
belief, that a new way has been found to avoid the

9 8

Popular Illusions About Trusts

natural consequences of the unchanging economic
laws. It is soon felt that savage competition should
cease between those enduring a common affliction,
who should be brother manufacturers, and that the
lion and the lamb should lie down together. They
forget, in the hour of their misery, that the moralist
has expressed the fear lest the one may be found
inside the other. First, all kinds of understand-
ings and fair promises are made — alas ! only to be
broken ; and finally the promoter makes his appear-
ance, and our unfortunate manufacturers fall an
easy prey. Enormous sums are offered for anti-
quated plants which may not have been able to do
more than pay their way for years. These are tied
together, and the new industrial makes its appear-
ance as a trust, under the delusion that if a dozen
or twenty invalids be tied together vitality will be
infused thereby into the mass. This is not true of
all that are classed as trusts ; there are exceptions ;
I speak only generally.

Should these combinations be made upon the
eve of a period of activity, as was the case recently,
then there is a triumphant vindication of the new
nostrum, the industrial world has found its pana-
cea for all ills, and there is never to be ruinous
competition again. The public is alarmed ; it hears
for a time of the advance of prices in the products
of these gigantic concerns which temporarily con-
trol the market, and demands legislation against
them. Generally speaking, as in the present in-
stance, the advance in prices would have taken
place even if no trusts existed, being caused by

99

Popular Illusions About Trusts

increased demand. The very name of trust
stinks in our nostrils. "We believe the public to
be needlessly alarmed upon the subject, for the
following reasons :

Few trusts have a monopoly through patents or
through the supply of raw material or of territory,
and what happens is this : For a short time compe-
tition is hindered, but rarely, if ever, completely
stifled. The profits of the trusts are high, and capi-
tal, ever watchful for an opportunity to make un-
usual gains, seeks its level by a law of its being, and
needs only the opportunity to engage in this highly
profitable manufacture. A relative of one of the
principal officials or one of the chiefs of a depart-
ment in the trust, knowing its great profits, gets
some friend with capital to build new works in co-
operation with him, and the result is that we soon
see springing up over the country rival works,
each of which has the great giant trust more or
less at its mercy. A threat to reduce prices, and
the trust, to which this may mean millions of dol-
lars of loss, will sooner or later come to an agree-
ment with the little David who threatens to attack
the Groliath, and the rival concern is arranged
with or purchased. This only whets the appetite
of others who see the success of the first innovator,
and other works soon spring up. No sooner has
the trust purchased one threatened rival than two
appear, and the end is disaster. The people may
rest assured that neither in one article nor in an-
other is it possible for any trust to exact exorbitant
profits without thereby speedily undermining its

IOO

Popular Illusions About Trusts

own foundations. It is not long since trusts first
made their appearance, and already many have
disappeared. Many still existing are being as-
sailed, the names of which will readily occur to
our readers. Only a few survive to-day, and none
have secured the coveted monopoly. Most of the
metals and many of the staple articles have been
formed into trusts, which, although yet living, are
rapidly being attacked to their final destruction.
The press used to tell every morning of the organ-
ization of some trust or other, and even to-day we
still hear of proposed additions to the list of these
attempted gigantic monopolies, which enjoy an
ephemeral existence. Upon most of them can
already be written the appropriate epitaph:

If I was so soon to be done for,
I wonder what I was begun for.

Every attempt to monopolize the manufacture
of any staple article carries within its bosom the
seeds of failure. Long before we could legislate
with much effect against trusts there would be no
necessity for legislation. The past proves this,
and the future is to. confirm it. There should be
nothing but encouragement for these vast aggrega-
tions of capital for the manufacture of staple ar-
ticles. As for the result being an increase of price
to the consumer beyond a brief period, there need
be no fear. On the contrary, the inevitable result
of these aggregations is, finally and permanently,
to give to the consumer cheaper articles than
would have been otherwise possible to obtain ; for

IOI

Popular Illusions About Trusts

capital is stimulated by the high, profits of the
trust, for a season, to embark against it. The
result is very soon a capacity of production beyond
the wants of the consumer, and as the new works
erected are of the most improved pattern, and ca-
pable of producing cheaper than the old works,
the vulnerable trusts are compelled to buy and cap-
italize at two or three times their cost. There is
thus no danger ahead to the community from
trusts, nor any cause for fear.

The great natural laws, being the outgrowth of
human nature and human needs, keep on their
irresistible course. Competition in all departments
of human activity is not to be suppressed. The
individual manufacturer who is tempted into the
unusually profitable business of the trust will take
care of the monopoly question and prevent injury
to the nation. The trust, so far as aggregation
and enlargement go, is one day to be recognized as
a grand step toward cheaper products for the
people than could have been obtained by any other
mode than the aggregation of capital and establish-
ments. Already the ghosts of numerous departed
trusts which aimed at monopolies have marched
across the stage of human affairs, each pointing
to its fatal wound, inflicted by that great correc-
tive, competition. Like the ghosts of Macbeth's
victims, the line promises to stretch longer and
longer, and also like those phantoms of the brain,
they " come like shadows, so depart."

The earth hath bubbles as the water hath,
And these are of them.

I02"'

Popular Illusions About Trusts

The masses of the people, the toiling millions,
are soon to find in this great law of aggregation of
capital and of factories another of those beneficent
agencies which in their operation tend to bring to
the homes of the poor, in greater degree than ever,
more and more of the luxuries of the rich, and into
their lives more of sweetness and light. The only
people who have reason to fear trusts are those
who trust them.

- IO3

AN EMPLOYER'S VIEW OF THE
LABOR QUESTION

From the "Forum," April, 1886

AN EMPLOYER'S VIEW OF THE
LABOR QUESTION

THE struggle in which labor has been engaged
during the past three hundred years, first
against authority and then against capital, has
been a triumphal march. Victory after victory has
been achieved. Even so late as in Shakspere's
time, remains of villeinage or serfdom still existed
in England. Before that, not only the labor but
the person of the laborer belonged to the chief.
The workers were either slaves or serfs ; men and
women were sold with the estate upon which they
worked, and became the property of the new lord,
just as did the timber which grew on the land. In
those days we hear nothing of strikes or of trades-
unions, or differences of opinion between employer
and employed. The fact is, labor had then no
right which the chief, or employer, was bound to
respect. Even as late as the beginning of this cen-
tury, the position of the laborer in some depart-
ments was such as can scarcely be credited. What

107

An Employer's View

do our laboring friends think of this, that down
to 1779 the miners of Britain were in a_siate_ot_
serfdom. They " were compelled by law to remain
in the pits as long as the owner chose to keep
them at work there, and were^ctually^old-as^part
of the capital invested in the works. If they ac-
cepted an engagement elsewhere, their master
could always have them fetched back and flogged
as thieves for having attempted to rob him of their
labor. This law was modified in 1779, but was not
repealed till after the acts passed in 1797 and
1799" ("The Trades-Unions of England," p. 119).
This was only ninety-seven years ago. Men are
still living who were living then. Again, in France,
as late as 1806, every workman had to procure a
license; and in Russia, down to our own days,
agricultural laborers were sold with the soil they
tilled.

Consider the change, nay, the revolution ! Now
the poorest laborer in America or in Eng land, or_
indeed ^throughout the civilized., world, who . c a n —
* handle a pick or a shovel, stands upon equal terms
with the purchas^r_of_iia_lahor. He sells or with-
holds it as may^seemjbest to him. He negotiates,
^and thus rises to the dignity of an independent
^contractor. When he has performed the work he
bargained to do, he owes his employer nothing, and
is under no obligation to him. Not only has the
laborer conquered his political and personal free-
dom : he has achieved industrial freedom as well, as
far as the law can give it, and he now fronts his
master, proclaiming himself his equal under the law.

108

An Employer's View

But, notwithstanding this complete revolution,
it is evident that the permanent relations to each
other of labor and capital have not yet evolved. The
present adjustment does not work without friction,
and changes must be made before we can have
industrial peace. To-day we find collisions between
these forces, capital and labor, when there should
be combination. The mill hands of an industrial
village in France have just risen against their em-
ployers, attacked the manager's home and killed
him. The streets of another French village are
barricaded against the expected forces of order.
The ship-builders of Sunderland, in England, are
at the verge of starvation, owing to a quarrel with
their employers ; and Leicester has just been the
scene of industrial riots. In our country, labor
disputes and strikes were never so numerous as
now. East and West, North and South, every-
where, there is unrest, showing that an equilibrium
has not yet been reached between employers and
employed.

A--strike prJockou,t_.is r _in itgeh^a^ ridiculous
affair. Whether a failure or a success, it gives no
direct proof of its justice or injustice. In this it
resembles war between two nations. It is simply
a question of strength and endurance between the
contestants. The gage of battle, or the duel, is
not more senseless, as a means of establishing what
is just and fair, than an industrial strike or lock-
out. It would be folly to conclude that we have
reached any permanent adjustment between capi-
tal and labor until strikes and lockouts are as much

109

An Employer's View

things of the past as the gage of battle or the duel
have become in the most advanced communities.

Taking for granted, then, that some further
modifications must be made between capital and
labor, I propose to consider the various plans that
have been suggested by which labor can advance
another stage in its development in relation to
capital. And, as a preliminary, let it be noted
that it is only labor and capital in their greatest
masses which it is necessary to consider. Jt is
only in larg^-establishments that thejndlistriaL
unrest of which I have spoken ominously, mani-
fests itself. The farmer who hires a man to assist
him, or the gentleman who engages a groom or a
butler, is not affected by strikes. The innumera-
ble cases in which a few men only are directly con-
cerned, which comprise in the aggregate the most
of labor, present upon the whole a tolerably satis-
factory condition of affairs. This clears the ground
of much, and leaves us to deal only with the im-
mense mining and manufacturing concerns of recent
growth, in which capital and labor often array
themselves in alarming antagonism.

A mong the ex pedients suggested for their better
reconciliation, the firiT place must be assigned to
the~lfeajuf (;oopBr^^n^jnr_the plan by which the
workers are to become part-ownersJ iiuen. terpri g eg ,
and" share their "fortunes. There is no doubt that
if this could be effected it would have the same
beneficial effect upon the workman which the own-
ership of land has upon the man who has hitherto
tilled the land for another. The sense of owner-

IIO

An Employer's View

ship would make of him more of a man as regards
himself, and hence more of a citizen as regards the
commonwealth. But we are here met by a dif-
ficulty which I confess I have not yet been able to
overcome, and which renders me less sanguine than
I should like to be in regard to cooperation. The
difficulty is this, and it seems to me to be inherent
in all gigantic manufacturing, mining, and com-
mercial operations. Two men or two combina-
tions of men will erect blast-furnaces, iron-mills,
cotton-mills, or piano manufactories adjoining each
other, or engage in shipping or commercial busi-
ness. They will start with equal capital and
credit; and to those only superficially acquainted
with the personnel of these concerns, success will
seem as likely to attend the one as the other.
Nevertheless, one will fail after dragging along a
lifeless existence, and pass into the hands of its
creditors; while the neighboring mill or business
will make a fortune for its owners. Now, the suc-
cessful manufacturer, dividing every month or
every year a proportion of his profits among his
workmen, either as a bonus or as dividends upon
shares owned by them, will not only have a happy
and contented body of operatives, but he will in-
evitably attract from his rival the very best work-
men in every department. His rival, having no
profits to divide among his workmen, and paying
them only a small assured minimum to enable
them to live, finds himself despoiled of foremen
and of workmen necessary to carry on his business
successfully. His workmen are discontented and,

III

An Employer's View

in their own opinion, defrauded of the proper
fruits of their skill, through incapacity or inatten-
tion of their employers. Thus, unequal business
capacity in the management produces unequal
results.

It will be precisely the same if one of these man-
ufactories belongs to the workmen themselves ; but
in this case, in the present stage of development of
the workmen, the chances of failure will be enor-
mously increased. It is, indeed, greatly to be
doubted whether any body of working-men in the
world could to-day organize and successfully carry
on a mining or manufacturing or commercial busi-
ness in competition with concerns owned by men
trained to affairs. If any such cooperative organi-
zation succeeds, it may be taken for granted that it
is principally owing to the exceptional business
ability of one of the managers, and only in a very
small degree to the efforts of the mass of workmen-
owners. I This business ability is excessively rare,
as is proved by the incredibly large proportion of
those who enter upon the stormy sea of business
only to fail. I should say that twenty cooperative
concerns would fail to every one that would suc-
ceed. There are, of course, a few successful estab-
lishments, notably two in France and one in
England, which are organized upon the coopei"-
ative plan, in which the workmen participate
directly in the profits. But these were all created
by the present owners, who now generously share
the profits with their workmen, and are making
the success of their manufactories upon the cooper-

112

An Employer's View

ative plan the proud work of their lives. What
these concerns will become when the genius for
affairs is no longer with them to guide, is a matter
of grave doubt and, to me, of foreboding. I can,
of course, picture in my mind a state of civiliza-
tion in which the most talented business men shall
find their most cherished work in carrying on im-
mense concerns, not primarily for their own per-
sonal aggrandizement, but for the good of the
masses of workers engaged therein, and their fami-
lies; but this is only a foreshadowing of a dim and
distant future. When a class of such men has
evolved, the problem of capital and labor will be
permanently solved to the entire satisfaction of
both. But as this manifestly belongs to a future
generation, I cannot consider cooperation, or com-
mon ownership, as the next immediate step in
advance which it is possible for labor to make in
its upward path.

The next suggestion is that peaceful settlement
of differences should be reached through arbitra- _
tion. Here we are upon firmer ground. I would
lay it down as a maxim that there is no excuse for
a strike or a lockout until arbitration of differ-
ences has been offered by one party and refused
by the other, .._ No doubt serious trouble attends"
even arbitration at present, from the difficulty of
procuring suitable men to judge intelligently be-
tween the disputants. There is a natural disincli-
nation among business men to expose their busi-
ness to men in whom they have not entire confi-
dence. We lack, so far, in America a retired class

113

An Employer's View

of men of affairs. Our vile practice is to keep on
accumulating more dollars until we die. If it were
the custom here, as it is in England, for men to
withdraw from active business after acquiring a
fortune, this class would furnish the proper arbi-
trators. On the other hand, the ex-presidents of
trades-unions, such as Mr. Jarrett or Mr. Wihle,
after they have retired from active control, would
commend themselves to the manufacturers and to
the men as possessed of the necessary technical
knowledge, and educated to a point where com-
mercial reasons would not be without their proper
weight upon them. I consider that of all the
agencies immediately available to prevent wasteful
and embittering contests between capital and labor,
arbitration is the most powerful and most bene-
ficial.

The influence of trades-unions upon the relations
between the employer and employed has been much
discussed. Some establishments in America have
refused to recognize the right of the men to form
themselves into these unions, although I am not
aware that any concern in England would dare to
take this position. This policy, however, may be
_regarded as only a temporary phase of the situa-
tion. The right of the working-men to combine
and to form trades-unions is no less sacred than
the right of the manufacturer to enter into associa-
tions and conferences with his fellows, and it must
sooner or later be conceded. Indeed, it gives one
but a poor opinion of the American workman if he
permits himself to be deprived of a right which his

114

An Employer's View

fellow in England long since conquered for him-
self. My experience has been that trades-unions,
upon the whole, are beneficial both to labor and to
capital. They certainly educate the working-men, „
and give them a truer conception of the relations
of capital and labor than they could otherwise
form. The a blest and best workmeiL-asBiifaially--
come to the front jn_these_jprganizations ; _and_it__
Tsayi^Iaidjio wn as a rule tha t JJie^jnfl£e_intellU-~
"gent the workman the fewer the contests with em-
pTOyers. -Ptr is not the intelligent "workman, who
knows that labor without his brother capital is
helpless, but the blatant ignorant man, who re-
gards capital as the natural enemy of labor, who
does so much to embitter the relations between
employer and employed; and the power of this
ignorant demagogue arises chiefly from the lack of
proper organization among the men through which
their real voice can be expressed. This voice will
always be found in favor of the judicious and in-
telligent representative. Of cour se, as men become
intelligent more deference must be paid to them
Tpersonally ancTto their ^.rights^and. even to their
opinions and prejudices; and, upon the whole, a
greater share of profits mustbe_paid in the day of
prosperity to the intelligent than to the ignorant
workman. He cannot be imposed upon so readily.
On the other hand, he will be found much readier
to accept reduced compensation when business is
depressed; and it is better in the long run for capi-
tal to be served by the highest intelligence, and to
be made well aware of the fact that it is dealing

"5

An Employer's View

with men who know what is due to them, both as
to treatment and compensation.

One great source of the trouble between em-
ployers and employed arises from the fact that the
immense establishments of to-day^in which alone
we find serious conflicts between capital and labor,
are not managed by their owners, but by salaried
offlcefs,~who cannot possibly have any permanent -
interest in the welfare of the working-men. These
officials are chiefly anxious to presen t a satisfa ctory
balance-sheet at the end of the year, that their
hundreds of shareholders may receive the usual
dividends, and that they may therefore be secure
in their positions, and be allowed to manage the
business without unpleasant interference either by
directors or shareholders. It is notable that Jrifr:
ter strikes seldom occur in small .establishments
where the owner comes into direct contact with his
men, and knows their qualities, their struggles,
and their aspirations. It is the chairman, situated
hundreds of miles away from his men, who only
pays a flying visit to the works and perhaps finds
time to walk through the mill or mine once or
twice a year, that is chiefly responsible for the
disputes which break out at intervals. I have
noticed that the manager who confers oftenest
with a committee of his leading men has the least
trouble with his workmen. Although it may be
impracticable for the presidents of these large cor-
porations to know the working-men personally, the
manager at the mills, having a committee of his
best men to present their suggestions and wishes

.116

An Employer's View

from time to time, can do much to maintain and
strengthen amicable relations, if not interfered with
from headquarters. I, therefore, recognize in
trades-unions, or, better still, in organizations of
the men of each establishment, who select repre-
sentatives to speak for them, a means, not of
further embittering the relations between employer
and employed, but of improving them.

It is astonishing how small a sacrifice upon the
part of the employer will sometimes greatly benefit
the men. I remember that at one of our meetings
with a committee, it was incidentally remarked by
one speaker that the necessity for obtaining credit
at the stores in the neighborhood was a grave tax
upon the men. An ordinary workman, he said,
could not afford to maintain himself and family for
a month, and as he only received his pay monthly,
he was compelled to obtain credit and to pay exor-
bitantly for everything, whereas, if he had the
cash, he could buy at twenty-five per cent. less.
"Well," I said, "why cannot we overcome that by
paying every two weeks ? " The reply was : " We
did not like to ask it, because we have always un-
derstood that it would cause much trouble ; but if
you do that it will be worth an advance of five per
cent, in our wages." We have paid semi-monthly
since. Another speaker happened to say that
although they were in the midst of coal, the price
charged for small lots delivered at their houses was
a certain sum per bushel. The price named was
double what our best coal was costing us> How
easy for us to deliver to our men such coal as they

117

An Employer's View

required, and charge them cost! This was done
without a cent's loss to us, but with much gain to
the men. Several other points similar to these
have arisen by which their labors might be light-
ened or products increased, and others suggesting
changes in machinery or facilities which, but for
the conferences referred to, would have been un-
thought of by the employer and probably never
asked for by the men. For these and other reasons
I attribute the greatest importance to an organiza-
tion of the men, through whose duly elected repre-
sentatives the managers may be kept informed
from time to time of their grievances and sugges-
tions. No matter how able the manager, the clever
workman can often show him how beneficial
changes can be made in the special branch in
which that workman labors. Unless the relations
between manager and workmen are not only ami-
cable but friendly, the owners miss much ; nor is
any man a first-class manager who has not the confi-
dence and respect, and even the admiration, of his
workmen. No man is a true gentleman who does
not inspire the affection and devotion of his ser-
vants. The danger is that such committees may
ask conferences too often ; three or four meetings
per year should be regarded as sufficient.

I come now to the greatest cause of the friction
which prevails between capital and labor in the
largest establishments, the real essence of the
trouble, and the remedy I have to propose.

The trouble is that the men are not paid at any
time the compensation proper to that time. All

118

An Employer's View-

large concerns necessarily keep filled with orders,
say for six months in advance, and these orders are
taken, of course, at prices prevailing when they are
booked. This year's operations furnish perhaps
the best illustration of the difficulty. Steel rails at
the end of last year for delivery this year were $29
per ton at the works. Of course the mills entered
orders freely at this price, and kept on entering
them until the demand growing unexpectedly great
carried prices up to $35 per ton. Now, the various
mills in America are compelled for the next six
months or more to run upon orders which do not
average $31 per ton at the seaboard and Pitts-
burg, and say $34 at Chicago. Transportation,
ironstone, and prices of all kinds have advanced
upon them in the meantime, and they must there-
fore run for the bulk of the year upon very small
margins of profit. But the men, noticing in the
papers the " great boom in steel rails," very natu-
rally demand their share of the advance, and, under
our existing faulty arrangements between capital
and labor, they have secured it. The employers,
therefore, have grudgingly given what they know
under proper arrangements they should not have
been required to give, and there has been friction,
and still is dissatisfaction upon the part of the em-
ployers. Eeverse this picture. The steel-rail
market falls again. The mills have still six
months' work at prices above the prevailing mar-
ket, and can afford to pay men higher wages than
the then existing state of the market would ap-
parently justify. But having just been amerced

119

An Employer's View

in extra payments for labor "which they should not
have paid, they naturally attempt to reduce wages
as the market price of rails goes down, and there
arises discontent among the men, and we have a
repetition of the negotiations and strikes which
have characterized the beginning of this year. In
other words, when the employer is going down the
employee insists on going up, and vice versa. "What
we must seek is a plan by which the men will
receive high wages when their employers are re-
ceiving high prices for the product, and hence are
making large profits ; and, per contra, when the em-
ployers are receiving low prices for product, and
therefore small if any profits, the men will receive
low wages. If this plan can be found, employers
and employed will be "in the same boat," rejoicing
together in their prosperity, and calling into play
their fortitude together in adversity. There will
be no room for quarrels, and instead of a feeling of
antagonism there will be a feeling of partnership
between employers and employed.

There is a simple means of producing this result,
and to its general introduction both employers and
employed should steadily bend their energies.
"Wages should be based upon a sliding scale, in
proportion to the net prices received for product
month by month. And I here gladly pay Mr. Pot-
ter, president of the North Chicago Boiling Mill
Company, the great compliment to say that he has
already taken a step in this direction, for to-day
he is working his principal mill upon this plan.
The result is that he has had no stoppage whatever

I20

An Employer's View

this year, nor any dissatisfaction. All has gone
smoothly along, and this in itself is worth at least
as much to the manufacturer and to the men as the
difference in wages one way or another which can
arise from the new system.

The celebrated Crescent Steel "Works of Pitts-
burg, manufacturers of the highest grades of tool
steel, pay their skilled workmen by a sliding scale,
based upon prices received for product — an im-
portant factor in the eminent success of that firm.
The scale adopted by the iron manufacturers and
workmen is only an approach to the true sliding
scale ; nevertheless it is a decided gain both to capi-
tal and labor, as it is adopted from year to year,
and hence eliminates strikes on account of wages
during the year, and limits these interruptions from
that cause to the yearly negotiation as to the jus-
tice or injustice of the scale. As this scale, how-
ever, is not based upon the prices actually received
for product, but upon the published list of prices,
which should be received in theory, there is not
complete mutuality between the parties. In de-
pressed times, such as the iron industry has been
passing through in recent years, enormous conces-
sions upon the published card prices have been
necessary to effect sales, and in these the workmen
have not shared with their employers. If, however,
there was added to the scale, even in its present
form, a stipulation that all causes of difference
which could not be postponed till the end of the
year, and then considered with the scale, should be
referred to arbitration, and that, in case of failure

121

An Employer's View

of the owners and workmen to agree at the yearly
conference, arbitration should also be resorted to,
strikes and lockouts would be entirely eliminated
from the iron business; and if the award of the
arbitrators took effect from the date of reference
the works could run without a day's interruption.

Dismissing, therefore, for the present all consid-
eration of cooperation as not being within measura-
ble distance, I believe that the next steps in the
advance toward permanent, peaceful relations be-
tween capital and labor are :

First. That compensation be paid the men based
upon a sliding scale in proportion to the prices
received for product.

Second. A proper organization of the men of
every works to be made, by which the natural
leaders, the best men, will eventually come to the
front and confer freely with the employers.

Third. Peaceful arbitration to be in all cases
resorted to for the settlement of differences which
the owners and the mill committee cannot them-
selves adjust in friendly conference.

Fourth. NoJinterrupJtioJ!_ ever to occur to the
operations of the establishment, since the decision
of the arbitrators shall be made to take effect from
the date of reference.

If these measures were adopted by an establish-
ment, several important advantages would be
gained :

First. The employer and employed would simul-
taneously share their prosperity or adversity wi th
each other. The scale once settled, the feeling of

122

An Employer's View

antagonism would be gone, and a feeling of mutual-
ity would ensue. Capital and labor would be shoul-
der to shoulder, supporting each other.

Second. There could be neither strik e nor lock-
out, since both "parties had agreed to abide by a
forthcoming-decision of (Hsputedpoints. Knowing
thatrin theTast resort strangers were to be called in
to decide what should be a family affair, the cases
would, indeed, be few which would not be amicably
adjusted by the original parties without calling in
others to judge between them.

Whatever the future may have in store for labor,
the evolutionist, who sees nothing but certain and
steady progress for the race, will never attempt to
set bounds to its triumphs, even to its final form
of complete and universal industrial cooperation,
which I hope is some day to be reached. But I
am persuaded that the next step forward is to be
in the direction I have here ventured to point out;
and as one who is now most anxious to contribute
his part toward helping forward the day of amica-
ble relations between the two forces of capital and
labor, which are not enemies, but are really auxilia-
ries who stand or fall together, I ask at the hands
of both capital and labor a careful consideration of
these views.

123

RESULTS OF THE LABOR
STRUGGLE

From the "Forum," August, 1886

RESULTS OF THE LABOR
STRUGGLE

WHEN "An Employer's View of the Labor
Question" was written, labor and capital
were at peace, each performing its proper function;
capital providing for the wants of labor, and labor
regularly discharging its daily task. But before
that paper reached the public the most serious
labor revolt that ever occurred in this country was
upon us. Capital, frightened almost into panic,
began to draw back into its strongholds, and many
leaders of public opinion seemed to lose self-com •
mand. Among the number were not a few of our
foremost political economists. These writers of the
closet, a small but important class in this country,
removed from personal contact with every-day
affairs, and uninformed of the solid basis of virtue
in the wage-receiving class upon which American
society rests, necessarily regarded such phenomena
from a purely speculative standpoint. Some of
them apparently thought that the fundamental in-

127

Results of the Labor Struggle

stitutions upon which peaceful development de-
pends had been, if not completely overthrown, at
least gravely endangered, and that civilization itself
had received a rude shock from the disturbance.
More than one did not hesitate to intimate that the
weakness of democratic institutions lay at the
foundation of the revolt. Suggestions were made
that the suffrage should be confined to the edu-
cated; that the masses might be held in stricter
bonds. When we hear the cry of these alarmists
we are tempted to reverse the rebuke of the sacred
Teacher: they are always troubled more by the
mote in their own country's eye than by the beam
in the eye of other lands. They forget that not
sixty days before monarchical Belgium was con-
vulsed with labor revolts, compared with which
ours were insignificant and practically harmless.
That country, with its five and a half millions of
inhabitants, had more rioters than the United
States, with its fifty-six millions ; and instead of
restoring peace, as this country did, by means of
the established forces of order, the Belgian govern-
ment had to abandon, for a time, all law, and pub-
licly authorize every citizen to wage private war
against the insurgents.

Our magazines, reviews, and newspapers have
been filled with plans involving radical changes
considered necessary by these sciolists for the res-
toration and maintenance of proper relations be-
tween capital and labor. The pulpit has been
equally prolific. Thirty days have not elapsed
since the excitement was at its height, and yet

128

Results of the Labor Struggle

to-day capital and labor are again cooperating
everywhere, as at the date of my first paper, and
we are now in position to judge of the extent of the
disturbance and to reduce the specter to its real
dimensions. It will soon be seen that what oc-
curred was a very inadequate cause for the alarm
created. The eruption was not, in itself, a very
serious matter, either in its extent or in its conse-
quences. Its lesson lay in the indications it gave
of the forces underlying it. There are in the
United States to-day a total of more than twenty
millions of workers who earn their bread by the
sweat of their brow; in trade and transportation
alone there are more than seven millions. At the
very height of the revolt, not more than 250,000 of
these had temporarily ceased to labor. This was
the estimate given by "Bradstreet's" on the 14th of
May. Three days later it was 80,000, and four
days after that only 47,000. The remaining mil-
lions continued to pursue their usual vocations in
peace. It is fair to assume that the number re-
ported on the 14th of May included all those who
were dissatisfied and had requested advance of
wages or redress of grievances, but were not really
strikers at all. A demonstration that shrinks to
one fourth its size from the 14th to the 17th of
May, and then again to one half its remaining pro-
portions in the next three days, can scarcely be
called a contest. The number of those involved in
a serious struggle with capital did not, therefore,
at any one time exceed 50,000 — not one per cent,
of the total wage-receiving class, in the branches
9 129

Results of the Labor Struggle

where alone labor troubles occurred. How then,
one is tempted to ask, did so small an interruption
seem so great ? Why was it taken for granted that
a general revolt of labor had taken place, when not
one worker in a hundred had really entered upon
a contest ? The reason for the delusion is obvious.
The omnipresent press, with the electric telegraph
at its command, spreads the report of a local dis-
turbance in East St. Louis over the entire three
million square miles of the land. It is felt almost
as distinctly in New Orleans, Boston, and San
Francisco as in the city of St. Louis itself, upon
the opposite side of the river. The thoughts of
men throughout the country concentrate upon this
one point of outbreak. Excitable natures fancy
the trouble to be general, and even imagine that
the very ground trembles under their own feet. In
this way the petty, local difficulty upon the Wabash
system of railways, which involved only 3700
Knights of Labor, and a strike of a few hundred
men on the Third Avenue Railway, New York, to-
gether with a few trifling and temporary disputes
at other points, were magnified into a general war-
fare between capital and labor. There were but a
few local skirmishes ; peace already reigns ; and our
professors and political economists and the whole
school of pessimists who tremble for the safety of
human society in general, and of the Republic in
particular, and the ministers that have bodily
essayed to revolutionize existing conditions, are
free to find another subject for their anxious fears
and forebodings. The relations between capital

130

Results of the Labor Struggle

and labor which have slowly evolved themselves in
the gradual development of the race will not be
readily changed. The solid walls with which hu-
manity fortifies itself in each advanced position
gained in its toilsome march forward will not fall to
the ground at the blast of trumpets. Present con-
ditions have grown up slowly, and can be changed
for the better only slowly and by small, successive
steps. A short history of the disturbances will,
however, furnish many useful and needed lessons.

The trouble grew, as many serious troubles do^
grow, from a trifle. A leader of the Knights of
Labor was dismissed. Whether the fact that he
was a labor leader influenced his superior to dismiss
him will probably never be known ; but this much
is to be said, that it was very likely to do so. Sal-
aried officials in the service of large corporations
are naturally disposed to keep under them only
such men as give them no trouble.

On the other hand, the safety of its leaders is the
key of labor's position. To surrender that is to
surrender everything. Even if the leader in ques-
tion had not been as regularly at work as other
men, even if he had to take days now and then to
attend to official duties for his brethren, the supe-
rior of that man should have dealt very leniently
with him. The men cannot know whether their
leader is stricken down for proper cause or not;
but, at the same time, they cannot help suspecting.
And here I call the attention of impartial minds
to the elements of manhood and the high sense
of honor and loyalty displayed upon the part of

13 1

Results of the Labor Struggle

working-men who sacrifice so much and throw
themselves in the front of the conflict to secure the
safety of their standard-bearers. Everything rea-
sonable can be done with men of this spirit. The
loyalty which they show to their leaders can be
transferred to their employers by treating them as
such men deserve. Society has nothing to fear
from men so stanch and loyal to one another. Nor
is the loyalty shown in this instance exceptional;
it distinguishes working-men as a class. Mr. Irons
has said that " one hour's gentlemanly courtesy on
the part of the manager would have averted all
this disaster." "Whether this be true or not, the
statement should not be overlooked, for it is true
that one hour of courtesy on the part of employers
would prevent many strikes. Whether the men
ask in proper manner for interviews, or observe all
the rules of etiquette, is immaterial. We expect
from the presumably better-informed party repre-
senting capital much more in this respect than
from labor; and it is not asking too much of men
intrus tedwitb the management of grjaJ^pxcLperiies
tEaTthey should devote some part jji^febeir-^tten-
tioh kr searching but the causes of disaffec tion
among their- employees",- and,-whe-re-aBy- es - iot, tha t-
they should meet the m en more ^thaa^half^ wjy jn^
the endeavor-to allay 3iem. There is nothing but
-good for^boUTparties to be derived from labor
teaching the representative of capital the dignity
of man, as man. The working-man, becoming
more and more intelligent, will hereafter demand
the treatment due to an equal.

132

Results of the Labor Struggle

The strikers at first were excusable, even if mis-
taken, in imagining that their leader had been
stricken down ; but, under the excitement of con-
flict, violence was resorted to ; and further, an at-
tempt was made to drag into the quarrel railway
lines that had nothing to do with it. The men
took up these wrong positions and were deservedly
driven from them. And labor here received a salu-
tary lesson — namely, that nothing is to be gained
by violence and lawlessness, nor by endeavoring to
unjustly punish the innocent for the sins of the
guilty. Public sentiment, always disposed to side
with labor, was with the men at first, but soon find-
ing itself unable to sanction their doings, it veered
to the other side. When the strikers lost that in-
dispensable ally they lost all.

The other branch of the revolt of labor occurred
in New York city, where the employees of the
Third Avenue Railway struck for fewer hours and
better pay. If ever a strike was justifiable this
one was. It is simply disgraceful for a corporation
to compel its men to work fifteen or sixteen hours
a day. Such was the verdict of the public, and the
men won a deserved victory. Here again, as at St.
Louis, for lack of proper leadership, they went too
far; and in their demand for the employment of
certain men and the dismissal of others they lost
their only sure support — public sentiment. This
was compelled to decide against their final de-
mands, and consequently they failed, and deservedly
failed. How completely public sentiment, when
aroused, compels obedience, as we have seen it did

*33

Results of the Labor Struggle

both at St. Louis and in New York city, is further
shown by the result of the order, issued June 6,
requiring the men of all the city railroads in Brook-
lyn and New York to stop work until the striking
employees of the Third Avenue line were reinstated.
The edict was disregarded by the men themselves,
who found that compliance would not be approved
by the community, and that, therefore, the attempt
would fail. It was an attempt that the worst foe
of labor might have instigated.

These were the two chief strikes from which
came the epidemic of demands and strikes through-
out the country.

None of these ebullitions proved of much mo-
ment. A rash had broken out upon the body poli-
tic, but it was only skin-deep, and disappeared as
rapidly as it had come. At a somewhat later date
the disturbance took a different form. A demand
was made that the hours of labor should be reduced
from ten to eight hours a day. To state this de-
mand is to pronounce its fate. Existing conditions
are not changed by twenty-per-cent. leaps and
bounds, and especially in times like these, when
business is not even moderately profitable. Such
a request simply meant that many employers of
labor would not be able to keep their men at work
at all. History proves, nevertheless, that the hours
of labor are being gradually reduced. The percen-
tage of men working from ten to eleven hours in this
country in 1830 was 29.7. These ten-hour workers
increased in 1880 to 59.6 per cent, of the whole;
while the classes who in 1830 worked excessive

r 34-

Results of the Labor Struggle

hours — from twelve to thirteen — constituted 32.5
per cent. In 1880 they were only 14.6 per cent. ;
while the number of men compelled to work be-
tween thirteen and fourteen hours, which was in
1830 13.5 per cent., had fallen in 1880 to 2.3 per
cent. Those working twelve hours are generally
employed in double shifts, night and day. I do not
believe that we have reached the limit of this re-
duction, but I do believe that any permanent
reduction will be secured only by the half-hour at
a time. If labor be guided by wise counsel, it will
ask for reductions of half-hours, and then wait
until a reduction to this extent is firmly established,
and surrounding circumstances have adjusted
themselves to that.

In considering the reasonableness of the demand
for fewer hours of labor, we must not lose sight
of the fact that the American works more hours,
on an average, than his fellow in Great Britain.
Twenty-three trades in Massachusetts are reported
as working sixty hours and seventeen minutes a
week, on an average, while the same crafts in
Great Britain work only fifty-three hours and fifty
minutes, showing that the American works an hour
a day longer than his English brother. In British
textile factories, the number of working hours in a
week ranges from fifty-four to fifty-six. In mines,
foundries, and machine-shops, fifty-four hours
make a week's work, which is equivalent to nine
hours a day, six days a week; but the men, in all
cases, work enough overtime each day to insure
them a half-holiday on Saturday. In some dis-

*35

Results of the Labor Struggle

tricts, notably in Glasgow, the men prefer to work
two weeks, and make every other Saturday a
whole holiday. This gives them an opportunity to
leave on early morning trains, on excursions, and
to spend Saturday and Sunday with friends. The
Allegheny Valley Eailroad Company, under the
management of my friend Mr. McCargo, intro-
duced the half-Saturday holiday in the shops some
time ago, with the happiest results. Mr. McCargo
found, by years of experience, that working-men
lose about half a day a week. Since the half -holi-
day was established no more time has been lost
than before. The men work five and one half
days a week regularly. While they are not paid,
of course, for the half-holiday, they could not be
induced to give it up. This example should be fol-
lowed, not only by all the railroads of the country,
but by every employer of -labor, and should be sup-
ported by every man who seeks to improve the
condition of the wage-receiving classes.

I venture to suggest to the representatives of
labor, however, that before they demand any re-
duction upon ten hours per day, they should con-
centrate their efforts upon making ten hours the
universal practice, and secure this. At present,
every ton of pig-iron made in the world, except at
two establishments, is made by men working in
double shifts of twelve hours each, having neither
Sunday nor holiday the year round. Every two
weeks the day men change to the night shift by
working twenty-four hours consecutively. Gas-
works, paper-mills, flour-mills, and many other in-

136

Results of the Labor Struggle

dustries, are run by twelve-hour shifts, and brew-
eries exact fifteen hours a day, on an average, from
their men. I hold that it is not possible for men
working ten hours a day to enlist public sentiment
on their side in a demand for the shortening of
their task, as long as many of their fellows are
compelled to work twelve or more hours a day.

The eight-hour movement is not, however, with-
out substantial foundation. "Works that run day
and night should be operated with three sets of
men, each working eight hours. The steel-rail
mills in this country are generally so run. The
additional cost of the three sets of men has been
divided between the workmen and the employers,
the latter apparently having to meet an advance of
wages to the extent of 16f per cent., but against
this is to be placed the increased product which
can be obtained. This is not inconsiderable, es-
pecially during the hot months, for it has been
found that men working twelve hours a day con-
tinuously cannot produce as much per hour as
men working eight hours a day; so that, if there be
any profit at all in the business, the employer de-
rives some advantage from the greater productive
capacity of his works and capital, while the gen-
eral expenses of the establishment remain practi-
cally as they were before. Since electric lighting
has been perfected, many establishments which
previously could not be run at night can be run
with success, I therefore look for a large increase
in the number of establishments working men
only eight hours, but employing the machinery

137

Results of the Labor Struggle

that now runs only ten hours the entire twenty-
four. Each shift, of course, takes turn of each of
the three parts into which the twenty-four hours
are divided, and thus the lives of the men are ren-
dered less monotonous and many hours for recrea-
tion and self-improvement are obtained.

The literature called forth by the recent excite-
ment is preponderatin gly favorable to cooperation,
or profit-sharing, asj the only true rem edy for all
disputes between labor and_ capital. My April
article ha&be^rrTMticlzedTbecause it relegated that
to the future. But theadvo ca tes o f tins pl an should 1 ^
weigh well the fact that the majority of enterprises
are not profitable ; that most men who embark in
business fail — indeed, it is stated that only five in
every hundred succeed, and that, with the exception
of a few wealthy and partially retired manufac-
turers, and a very few wealthy corporations, men
engaged in business affairs are in the midst of an
anxious and unceasing struggle to keep their heads
above water. How to pay maturing obligations,
how to obtain cash for the payment of their men,
how to procure orders or how to sell product, and,
in not a few instances, how to induce their credi-
tors to be forbearing, are the problems which tax
the minds of business men during the dark hours
of night, when their employees are asleep. I attach
less and less value to the teaching of those doctri-
naires who sit in their cozy studies and spin theo-
ries concerning the relations between capital and
labor, and set before us divers high ideals. The
banquet to which they invite the working-man

I 3 8

Results of the Labor Struggle

when they propose industrial cooperation is not
yet quite prepared, and would prove to most of
those who accepted the invitation a Barmecide
feast. Takenas a whole, the condition of labor

to-day WOUlda^t _be^ftT^ Qtitp ^P^ posaWrdy-rn.

jiired, by cooperation.

iet-THtTpoint out, however, to the advocates of
profit-sharing that ample opportunity already ex-
ists for working-men to become part-owners in
almost any department of industrialism, without
changing present relations. The great railway cor-
porations, in all cases, as well as the great manufac-
turing companies generally, are stock concerns,
with shares of fifty or a hundred dollars each, which
are bought and sold daily in the market. Not an
employee of any of these but can buy any number
of shares, and thus participate in the dividends and
in the management. That capital is a unit is a
popular error. On the contrary, it is made up of
hundreds and thousands of small component parts,
owned, for the most part, by people of limited
means. The Pennsylvania Railway proper, for in-
stance, which embraces only the 350 miles of line
between Pittsburg and Philadelphia, is to-day
owned by 19,340 shareholders, in lots of from one
fifty-dollar share upward. The New York Central
Railway, of 450 miles, between New York and Buf-
falo, belongs not to one, or two, or several capital-
ists, but to 10,418 shareholders, of whom about
one third are women and executors of estates.
The entire railway system of America will show a
similar wide distribution of ownership among the

!39

Results of the Labor Struggle

people. There are but three railway corporations
in which the great capitalists hold a considerable
interest; and the interest in two of these is held
by various members of a family, and in no case
does it amount to the control of the whole. In one
of these very cases, the New York Central, as we
have seen, there are more than ten thousand
owners.

Steel-rail mills, with only one exception, show a
like state of affairs. One of them belongs to 215
shareholders ; of whom 7 are employees, 32 are es-
tates, and 57 are women. Another of these con-
cerns is owned by 302 stockholders ; of whom 101
are women, 29 are estates, representing an unknown
number of individuals, and 20 are employees of
the company. A large proportion of the remaining
owners are small holders of comparatively limited
means, who have, from time to time, invested their
savings where they had confidence both as to cer-
tainty of income and safety of principal. The
Merrimac Manufacturing Company (cotton), of
Lowell, is owned by 2500 shareholders, of whom
forty- two per cent, are holders of one share, twenty-
one per cent, of two, and ten per cent, of three
shares. Twenty-seven per cent, are holders of over
three shares; and not less than thirty-eight per
cent, of the whole stock is held by trustees, guar-
dians, and executors of charitable, religious, educa-
tional, and financial institutions.

I have obtained from other concerns similar
statements, which need not be published. They
prove without exception that from one fourth to

I4.0

Results of the Labor Struggle

one third of the number of shareholders in corpo-
rations are women and executors of estates. The
number of shareholders I have given are those of
record, each holding a separate certificate. But it
is obvious, in the case of executors, that this one
certificate may represent a dozen owners. Many
certificates issued in the name of a firm represent
several persons, while shares held by a corporation
may represent hundreds; but if we assume that
every certificate of stock issued by the Pennsylva-
nia Railroad Company represents only two owners,
which is absurdly under the truth, it follows that,
should every employee of that great company quar-
rel with it, the contest would be not against a few,
but against a much larger body than they them-
selves constitute. It is within the mark to say
that every striking employee would oppose his
personal interest against that of three or four other
members of the community. The total number of
men employed by the Pennsylvania Railroad Com-
pany is 18,911 — not as many as there are share-
holders of record. And what is true of the
Pennsylvania Railway Company is true of the
railway system as a whole, and, in a greater or less
degree, of mining and manufacturing corporations
generally. When one, therefore, denounces great
corporations for unfair treatment of their men, he
is not denouncing the act of some monster capi-
talist, but that of hundreds and thousands of small
holders, scarcely one of whom would be a party to
unfair or illiberal treatment of the working-man ;
the majority of them, indeed, would be found on

14.I

Results of the Labor Struggle

his side ; and, as we have seen, many of the owners
themselves would be working-men. Labor has
only to bring its just grievances to the attention of
owners to secure fair and liberal treatment. The
"great capitalist" is almost a myth, and exists, in
any considerable number or degree, only in the
heated imagination of the uninformed. Aggre-
gate capital in railway corporations consists of
many more individuals than it employs.

Following the labor disturbances, there came the
mad work of a handful of foreign anarchists in
Chicago and Milwaukee, who thought they saw in
the excitement a fitting opportunity to execute
their revolutionary plans. Although labor is not
justly chargeable with their doings, nevertheless
the cause of labor was temporarily discredited in
public opinion by these outbreaks. The prompti-
tude with which one labor organization after an-
other not only disclaimed all sympathy with riot
and disorder, but volunteered to enroll itself into
armed force for the maintenance of order, should
not be overlooked by the student of labor prob-
lems desirous of looking justly at the question
from the laborer's point of view. It is another
convincing proof, if further proof were necessary,
that whenever the peace of this country is seri-
ously threatened, the masses of men, not only in
the professions and in the educated classes, but
down to and through the very lowest ranks of
industrious workers, are determined to maintain
it. A survey of the field, now that peace is re-
stored, gives the results as follows:

142

Results of the Labor Struggle

First. The "dead line" has been definitely fixed
between the forces of disorder and anarchy and
those of order. Bomb-throwing means swift death
to the thrower. Rioters assembling in numbers
and mai'ching to pillage will be remorselessly shot
down; not by the order of a government above
the people, not. by overwhelming standing armies,
not by troops brought from a distance, but by the
masses of peaceable and orderly citizens of all
classes in their own community, from the capitalist
down to and including the steady working-man,
whose combined influence constitutes that irresisti-
ble force, under democratic institutions, known as
public sentiment. That sentiment has not only
supported the officials who shot down disturbers of
the peace, but has extolled them in proportion to
the promptitude of their action.

Second. Another proof of the indestructibility of
human society, and of its determination and power
to protect itself from every danger as it arises and
to keep marching forward to higher states of
development, has been given in Judge Mallory's
words: "Every person who counsels, hires, pro-
cures, or incites others to the commission of any
unlawful or criminal act, is equally guilty with
those who actually perpetrate the act, though such
person may not have been present at the time of
the commission of the offense." The difference
between liberty and license of speech is now clearly
defined — a great gain.

Third. It has likewise been clearly shown that
■public sentiment sympathizes with the efforts of

H3

Results of the Labor Struggle

labor to obtain from capital a fuller recognition of
its position and claims than has hitherto been ac-
corded. And in this expression, " a fuller recogni-
tion," I include not only pecuniary compensation,
but what I conceive to be even more important
to-day — a greater consideration of the working-
man as a man and a brother. I trust the time has
gone by when corporations can hope to work men
fifteen or sixteen hours a day. And the time ap-
proaches, I hope, when it will be impossible, in this
country, to work men twelve hours a day contin-
uously.

Fourth. While public sentiment has rightly and
unmistakably condemned violence, even in the
form for which there is the most excuse, I would
have the public give due consideration to theter-^
^ribler temptation to ~wEicti the working-ma n on a
strike is sometimes subjected. To expect th at, one
dependent upon his daily wage for the necess aries
of life will stand by peaceably and see a new man_
employed in his stead, is_ to expect much. This
poorjnan may have a wife and children depe ndent
upon his labor. Whether medicine for a sick c hild,
or even nourishing food for a delicate wife, is pro-
curable, depends upon his steady employment. In
all but a very few departments of labor it is unne-_
cessary, and, I think, improper, to subject men to
such an ordeal. In the case of railways and a
few other employments it is, of course, essential for j
the public wants that no interruption occur, and in
such case substitutes must be employed; but the
employer of labor will find it much more to his

14.4

Results of the Labor Struggle

interest, wherever possible, to allow his works to
remain idle and await the result of a dispute, than
to employ the class of men that can be induced to
take the place of other men who have stopped
work. Neither the best men as men, nor the best
men as workers, are thus to be obtained. Therejs
an un written law among the best workmen : " Thou
sEaTTnot take thy neighbor's job"?' No wise em-
ploye r will ligb try~lose his" old employees. Length
of service counts for much in many ways. Calling
upon strang e men should be the last resort .

Fifth. The results of the recent disturbances
have given indubitable proof that trades-unions
must, in their very nature, become more conserva-
tive than the mass of the men they represent. If
they fail to be conservative, they go to pieces
through their own extravagance. I know of three
instances in which threatened stiikes were recently
averted by the decision of the Master Workman of
the Knights of Labor, supported by the best work-
men, against the wishes of the less intelligent mem-
bers of that organization. Representative institu-
tions eventually bring to the front the ablest and
most prudent men, and will be found as beneficial in
the industrial as they have proved themselves to be
in the political world. Leaders of the stamp of Mr.
Powderly, Mr. Arthur, of the Brotherhood of Loco-
motive Engineers, and Messrs. Wihle and Martin,
of the Amalgamated Iron and Steel Association,
will gain and retain power ; while such as the radical
and impulsive Mr. Irons, if at first clothed with
power, will soon lose it.

i+5

Results of the Labor Struggle

Thus, as the result of the recent revolt, we see
advantages gained by both capital and labor. Capi-
tal is more secure because of what has been dem-
onstrated, and labor will hereafter be more re-
spectfully treated and its claims more carefully
considered, in deference to an awakened public
opinion in favor of the laborer. Labor won while
it was reasonable in its demands and kept the
peace ; it lost when it asked what public sentiment
pronounced unreasonable, and especially when it
broke the peace.

The disturbance is over and peace again reigns ;
but let no one be unduly alarmed at frequent dis-
putes between capital and labor. Kept within legal
limits, they are encouraging symptoms, for they
betoken the desire of the working-man to better his
condition ; and upon this desire hang all hopes of
advancement of the masses. It is the stagnant
pool of Contentment, not the running stream of
Ambition, that breeds disease in the body social
and political. The working-men of this country
can no more be induced to sanction riot and dis-
order than can any other class of the community.
Isolated cases of violence under strong provocation
may break out upon the surface, but the body un-
derneath is sound to the core, and resolute for the
maintenance of order.

For the first time within my knowledge, the
leading organs of public opinion in England have
shown a more correct appreciation of the forces
at work in the Republic than some of our own
despondent writers. The London "Daily News"

146

Results of the Labor Struggle

said truly that "the territorial democracy of
America can be trusted to deal with such out-
breaks"; and the "Daily Telegraph" spoke as
follows :

There is no need for any fear to be entertained lest
the law-breakers of Chicago should get the better of the
police, and, if it be necessary to invoke their aid, of the
citizens of that astonishing young city. Frankly speak-
ing, such rioters would have a better chance of intimi-
dating Birmingham than of overawing Chicago, St.
Louis, or New York. In dealing with the insurgents of
this class the record of the great Republic is singularly
clear.

Not only the democracy, but the industrious
working-men of which the democracy is so largely
composed, have amply fulfilled the flattering pre-
dictions of our English friends, and may safely be
trusted in the future to stand firmly for the main-
tenance of peace.

i+7

DISTANT POSSESSIONS:
THE PARTING OF THE WAYS

From the "North American Review," August, 1898

DISTANT POSSESSIONS:
THE PARTING OF THE WAYS

TWICE only have the American people been
called upon to decide a question of such vital
import as that now before them.

Is the Republic, the apostle of Triumphant De-
mocracy, of the rule of the people, to abandon her
political creed and endeavor to establish in other
lands the rule of the foreigner over the people,
Triumphant Despotism?

Is the Republic to remain one homogeneous
whole, one united people, or to become a scattered
and disjointed aggregate of widely separated and
alien races ?

Is she to continue the task of developing her vast
continent until it holds a population as great as
that of Europe, all Americans, or to abandon that
destiny to annex, and to attempt to govern, other
far distant parts of the world as outlying posses-
sions, which can never be integral parts of the
Republic ?

Distant Possessions

Is she to exchange internal growth and advance-
ment for the development of external possessions
which can never be really hers in any fuller sense
than India is British or Cochin China French?
Such is the portentous question of the day. Two
equally important questions the American people
have decided wisely, and their flag now waves over
the greater portion of the English-speaking race ;
their country is the richest of all countries, first in
manufactures, in mining, and in commerce (home
and foreign), first this year also in exports. But,
better than this, the average condition of its people
in education and in living is the best. The luxu-
ries of the masses in other lands are the necessaries
of life in ours. The school-house and the church
are nowhere so widely distributed. Progress in
the arts and sciences is surprising. In interna-
tional affairs her influence grows so fast, and
foreshadows so much, that one of the foremost
statesmen has recently warned Europe that it must
combine against her if it is to hold its own in the
industrial world. The Bepublic remains one solid
whole, its estate inclosed in a ring fence, united,
impregnable, triumphant, clearly destined to be-
come the foremost power of the world, if she con-
tinue to follow the true path. Such are the fruits
of wise judgment in deciding the two great issues
of the past, Independence and Union.

In considering the issue now before us, the agi-
tator, the demagogue, has no part. Not feeling,
not passion, but deliberate judgment alone, should
have place. The question should be calmly

J 52

Distant Possessions

weighed; it is not a matter of party, nor of class;
for the fundamental interest of every citizen is a
common interest, that which is best for the poorest
being best for the richest. Let us, therefore, reason
together, and be well assured, before we change our
position, that we are making no plunge into an
abyss. Happily, we have the experience of others
to guide us, the most instructive being that of our
own race in Great Britain.

There are two kinds of national possessions, one
colonies, the other dependencies. In the former
we establish and reproduce our own race. Thus
Britain has peopled Canada and Australia with
English-speaking people, who have naturally
adopted our ideas of self-government. That the
world has benefited thereby goes without saying;
that Britain has done a great work as the mother
of nations is becoming more and more appreciated
the more the student learns of world-wide affairs.
No nation that ever existed has done so much for
the progress of the world as the little islands in the
North Sea known as Britain.

With dependencies it is otherwise. The most
grievous burden which Britain has upon her shoul-
ders is that of India, for there it is impossible for
our race to grow. The child of English-speaking
parents must be removed and reared in Britain.
The British Indian official must have long respites
in his native land. India means death to our race.
The characteristic feature of a dependency is
that the acquiring power cannot reproduce its own
race there.

153

Distant Possessions

Inasmuch as the territories outside our own
continent which our country may be tempted
to annex cannot be colonies, but only depen-
dencies, we need not dwell particularly upon the
advantages or disadvantages of the former, although
the writer is in thorough accord with Disraeli, who
said even of colonies : " Our colonies are millstones
round the neck of Britain; they lean upon us
while they are weak, and leave us when they
become strong." This is just what our Republic
did with Britain.

There was something to be said for colonies from
the point of view of pecuniary gain in the olden days,
when they were treated as the legitimate spoil of
the conqueror. It is Spain's fatal mistake that she
has never realized that it is impossible to follow
this policy in our day. Britain is the only country
which has realized this truth. British colonies
have complete self-government ; they even tax the
products of their own motherland. That Britain
possesses her colonies is a mere figure of speech;
that her colonies possess her is nearer the truth.
" Our Colonial Empire" seems a big phrase, but, as
far as material benefits are concerned, the balance
is the other way. Thus, even loyal Canada trades
more with us than with Britain. She buys her
Union Jacks in New York. Trade does not follow
the flag in our day ; it scents the lowest price cur-
rent. There is no patriotism in exchanges.

Some of the organs of manufacturing interests,
we observe, favor foreign possessions as necessary
or helpful markets for our products. But the ex-

154-

Distant Possessions

ports of the United States this year are greater
than those of any other nation in the world. Even
Britain's exports are less, yet Britain possesses,
it is said, a hundred colonies and dependencies
scattered all over the world. The fact that the
United States has none does not prevent her prod-
ucts and manufactures from invading Japan,
China, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and all
parts of the world in competition with those of
Britain. Possession of colonies or dependencies
is not necessary for trade reasons. What her col-
onies are valued for, and justly so, by Britain, is
the happiness and pride which the mother feels in
her children. The instinct of motherhood is grati-
fied, and no one living places a higher estimate
upon the sentiment than I do. Britain is the
kindest of mothers, and well deserves the devotion
of her children.

If we could establish colonies of Americans, and
grow Americans in any part of the world now
unpopulated and unclaimed by any of the great
powers, and thus follow the example of Britain,
heart and mind might tell us that we should have
to think twice, yea, thrice, before deciding ad-
versely. Even then our decision should be adverse ;
but there is at present no such question before us.
What we have to face is the question whether we
should embark upon the difficult and dangerous
policy of undertaking the government of alien
races in lands where it is impossible for our own
race to be produced.

As long as we remain free from distant posses-

155

Distant Possessions

sions we are impregnable against serious attack ;
yet, it is true, we have to consider what obligations
may fall upon us of an international character re-
quiring us to send our forces to points beyond our
own territory. Up to this time we have disclaimed
all intention to interfere with affairs beyond our own
continent, and only claimed the right to watch
over American interests according to the Monroe
Doctrine, which is now firmly established. This
carries with it serious responsibilities, no doubt,
which we cannot escape. European nations must
consult us upon territorial questions pertaining to
our continent, but this makes no tremendous de-
mand upon our military or naval forces. We are
at home, as it were, near our base, and sure of the
support of the power in whose behalf and on whose
request we may act. If it be found essential to
possess a coaling-station at Porto Rico for future
possible, though not probable, contingencies, there
is no insuperable objection. Neither would the
control of the West Indies be alarming if pressed
upon us by Britain, since the islands are small and
the populations must remain insignificant and
without national aspirations. Besides, they are
upon our own shores, American in every sense.
Their defense by us would be easy. No protest
need be entered against such legitimate and peace-
ful expansion in our own hemisphere, should
events work in that direction. I am no " Little "
American, afraid of growth, either in population
or territory, provided always that the new ter-
ritory be American, and that it will produce

l 5 6

Distant Possessions

Americans, and not foreign races bound in time
to be false to the Republic in order to be true to
themselves.

As I write, the cable announces the annexation
of Hawaii, which is more serious; but the argu-
ment for this has been the necessity for holding
the only coaling-station in the Pacific so situated
as to be essential to any power desirous of success-
fully attacking our Pacific coast. Until the Nica-
ragua Canal is made, it is impossible to deny the
cogency of this contention. We need not consider
it a measure of offense or aggression, but as strictly
defensive. The population of the islands is so
small that national aspirations are not to be en-
countered, which is a great matter. Nor is it
obtained by conquest. It is ours by a vote of its
people, which robs its acquisition of many dangers.
Let us hope that our far-outlying possessions may
end with Hawaii.

To reduce it to the concrete, the question is:
Shall we attempt to establish ourselves as a power
in the far East and possess the Philippines for
glory? The glory we already have, in Dewey's
victory overcoming the power of Spain in a man-
ner which adds one more to the many laurels of
the American navy, which, from its infancy till
now, has divided the laurels with Britain upon the
sea. The Philippines have about seven and a half
millions of people, composed of races bitterly
hostile to one another, alien races, ignorant of our
language and institutions. Americans cannot be
grown there. The islands have been exploited for

1 57

Distant Possessions

the benefit of Spain, against whom they have
twice rebelled, like the Cubans. But even Spain
has received little pecuniary benefit from them.
The estimated revenue of the Philippines in 1894-
95 was £2,715,980, the expenditure being £2,656,026,
leaving a net result of about $300,000. The United
States could obtain even this trifling sum from the
' inhabitants only by oppressing them as Spain has
done. But, if we take the Philippines, we shall be
forced to govern them as generously as Britain
governs her dependencies, which means that they
will yield us nothing, and probably be a source of
annual expense. Certainly they will be a grievous
drain upon revenue if we consider the enormous
army and navy which we shall be forced to main-
tain upon their account.

There are many objections to our undertaking
the government of dependencies ; one I venture to
submit as being peculiar to ourselves. We should
be placed in a wrong position. Consider Great
Britain in India to-day. She has established schools
and taught the people our language. In the Phil-
ippines, we may assume that we should do the
same, and with similar results. To travel through
India as an American is a point of great advantage
if one wishes to know the people of India and their
aspirations. They unfold to Americans their in-
most thoughts, which they very naturally withhold
from their masters, the British. When in India, I
talked with many who had received an English
education in the British schools, and found that
they had read and pondered most upon Cromwell

I 5 8

Distant Possessions

and Hampden, "Wallace and Bruce and Tell, upon
Washington and Franklin. The Briton is sowing
the seed of rebellion with one hand in his schools, —
for education makes rebels, — while with the other
he is oppressing patriots who desire the indepen-
dence of their country. The national patriotism
upon which a Briton plumes himself he must
repress in India. It is only a matter of time when
India, the so-called gem of the British crown, is to
glitter red again. British control of India is ren-
dered possible to-day only by the division of races,
or rather of religions, there. The Hindus and
Mohammedans still mistrust each other more than
they do the British, but caste is rapidly passing
away, and religious prejudices are softening.
Whenever this distrust disappears, Britain is liable
to be expelled, at a loss of life and treasure which
cannot be computed. The aspirations of a people
for independent existence are seldom repressed,
nor, according to American ideas hitherto, should
they be. If it be a noble aspiration for the Indian
or the Cuban, as it was for the citizen of the
United States himself, and for the various South
American republics once under Spain, to have a
country to live and, if necessary, to die for, why is
not the l'evolt noble which the man of the Philip-
pines has been making against Spain ? Is it pos-
sible that the Republic is to be placed in the posi-
tion of the suppressor of the Philippine struggle for
independence ? Surely, that is impossible. With
what face shall we hang in the school-houses of the
Philippines our own Declaration of Independence,

159

Distant Possessions

and yet deny independence to them? What
response will the heart of the Philippine Islander
make as he reads of Lincoln's Emancipation Pro-
clamation ? Are we to practise independence and
preach subordination, to teach rebellion in our
books, yet to stamp it out with our swords, to sow
the seed of revolt and expect the harvest of loyalty ?
President McKinley's call for volunteers to fight
for Cuban independence against the cruel dominion
of Spain meets with prompt response, but who
would answer the call of the President of an " im-
perial " republic for free citizens to fight the "Wash-
ington and slaughter the patriots of some distant
dependency which struggles for independence ?

It has hitherto been the glorious mission of the
Republic to establish upon secure foundations Tri-
umphant Democracy, and the world now under-
stands government of the people, for the people,
and by the people. Tires the Republic so soon of
its mission, that it must, perforce, discard it to un-
dertake the impossible task of establishing Tri-
umphant Despotism, the rule of the foreigner over
the people? and must the millions of the Philip-
pines who have been asserting their God-given
right to govern themselves be the first victims of
Americans, whose proudest boast is that they con-
quered independence for themselves ?

Let another phase of the question be carefully
weighed. Europe is to-day an armed camp, not
chiefly because the home territories of its various
nations are threatened, but because of fear of
aggressive action upon the part of other nations

1 60

Distant Possessions

touching outlying "possessions." France resents
British control of Egypt, and is fearful of its West
African possessions; Russia seeks Chinese terri-
tory, with a view to expansion to the Pacific ; Ger-
many also seeks distant possessions; Britain, who
has acquired so many dependencies, is so fearful of
an attack upon them that this year she is spending
nearly eighty millions of dollars upon additional
war-ships, and Bussia, G-ermany, and France follow
suit. Japan is a new element of anxiety ; and by
the end of the year it is computed she will have
sixty-seven formidable ships of war. The naval
powers of Europe, and Japan also, are apparently
determined to be prepared for a terrific struggle
for possessions in the far East, close to the Philip-
pines — and why not for these islands themselves?
Into this vortex the Eepublic is cordially invited
to enter by those powers who expect her policy to
be of benefit to them, but her action is jealously
watched by those who fear that her power might be
used against them.

It has never been considered the part of wisdom
to thrust one's hand into the hornet's nest, and it
does seem as if the United States must lose all
claim to ordinary prudence and good sense if she
enter this arena and become involved in the in-
trigues and threats of war which make Europe an
armed camp.

It is the parting of the ways. We have a continent
to populate and develop; there are only twenty-
three persons to the square mile in the United
States. England has three hundred and seventy,

11 161

Distant Possessions

Belgium five hundred and seventy-one, Germany-
two hundred and fifty. A tithe of the cost of
maintaining our sway over the Philippines would
improve our internal waterways; build the Nicara-
gua Canal; construct a waterway to the ocean from
the Great Lakes, an inland canal along the Atlantic
seaboard, and a canal across Florida, saving eight
hundred miles' distance between New York and
New Orleans; connect Lake Michigan with the
Mississippi; deepen all the harbors upon the lakes;
build a canal from Lake Erie to the Allegheny
River; slack- water through movable dams the entire
length of the Ohio River to Cairo; thoroughly
improve the Lower and Upper Mississippi, and all
our seaboard harbors. All these enterprises would
be as nothing in cost in comparison with the sums
required for the experiment of possessing the Phil-
ippine Islands, seven thousand miles from our
shores. If the object be to render our Republic
powerful among nations, can there be any doubt
as to which policy is the better 1 To be more pow-
erful at home is the surest way to be more power-
ful abroad. To-day the Republic stands the friend
of all nations, the ally of none; she has no ambi-
tious designs upon the territory of any power upon
another continent; she crosses none of their ambi-
tious designs, evokes no jealousy of the bitter sort,
inspires no fears; she is not one of them, scram-
bling for possessions ; she stands apart, pursuing
her own great mission, and teaching all nations by
example. Let her become a power annexing for-
eign territory, and all is changed in a moment.

162

Distant Possessions

If we are to compete with other nations for
foreign possessions, we must have a navy like
theirs. It should be superior to any other navy, or
we play a second part. It is not enough to have a
navy equal to that of Russia or of France, for
Russia and France may combine against us just as
they may against Britain. We at once enter the
field as a rival of Britain, the chief possessor of
foreign possessions, and who can guarantee that we
shall not even have to measure our power against
her?

What it means to enter the list of military and
naval powers having foreign possessions may be
gathered from the following considerations. First,
look at our future navy. If it is only to equal
that of France it means fifty-one battle-ships; if of
Russia, forty battle-ships. If we cannot play the
game without being at least the equal of any of
our rivals, then eighty battle-ships is the number
Britain possesses. We now have only four, with
five building. Cruisers, armed and unarmed, swell
the number threefold, Britain having two hundred
and seventy-three ships of the line built or or-
dered, with three hundred and eight torpedo-boats
in addition; France having one hundred and
thirty-four ships of the line and two hundred and
sixty-nine torpedo-boats. All these nations are
adding ships rapidly. Every armor- and gun-
making plant in the world is busy night and day.
Ships are indispensable, but recent experience
shows that soldiers are equally so. While the im-
mense armies of Europe need not be duplicated,

163

Distant Possessions

yet we shall certainly be too weak unless our army
is at least twenty times what it has been — say
five hundred thousand men. Even then we shall
be powerless as against any one of three of our
rivals — Germany, France, and Russia.

This drain upon the resources of these countries
has become a necessity from their respective posi-
tions, largely as graspers for foreign possessions.
The United States to-day, happily, has no such
necessity, her neighbors being powerless against
her, since her possessions are concentrated and her
power is one solid mass.

To-day two great powers in the world are com-
pact, developing themselves in peace throughout
vast conterminous territories. When war threat-
ens they have no outlying possessions which can
never be really "possessed," but which they are
called upon to defend. They fight upon the ex-
posed edge only of their own soil in case of attack,
and are not only invulnerable, but they could
not be more than inconvenienced by the world in
arms against them. These powers are Russia and
the United States. The attempt of Britain to
check Russia, if the wild counsels of Mr. Chamber-
lain were followed, could end in nothing but
failure. With the irresistible force of the glacier,
Russia moves upon the plains below. Well for
Russia, and well for the world, is her advance over
pagan China, better even for Britain from the
standpoint of business, for every Russian to-day
trades as much with Britain as do nine Chinamen.
Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Spain, are all

164.

Distant Possessions

vulnerable, having departed from the sagacious
policy of keeping possessions and power concen-
trated. Should the United States depart from this
policy, she also must be so weakened in con-
sequence as never to be able to play the command-
ing part in the world, disjointed, that she can play
whenever she desires if she remain compact.

Whether the United States maintain its present
unique position of safety, or forfeit it through
acquiring foreign possessions, is to be decided by
its action in regard to the Philippines ; for, for-
tunately, the independence of Cuba is assured; for
this the Republic has proclaimed to the world that
she has drawn the sword. But why should the
less than two millions of Cuba receive national
existence and the seven and a half millions of the
Philippines be denied it ? The United States, thus
far in their history, have no page reciting self-
sacrifice made for others ; all their gains have been
for themselves. This void is now to be grandly
filled. The page which recites the resolve of the
Republic to rid her neighbor, Cuba, from the foreign
possessor will grow brighter with the passing cen-
turies, which may dim many pages now deemed
illustrious. Should the coming American be able
to point to Cuba and the Philippines rescued from
foreign domination and enjoying independence
won for them by his country and given to them
without money and without price, he will find no
citizen of any other land able to claim for his
country services so disinterested and so noble.

We repeat, there is no power in the world that
l6 5

Distant Possessions

could do more than inconvenience the United
States by attacking its fringe, which is all that the
world combined could do, so long as our country
is not compelled to send its forces beyond its own
compact shores to defend worthless possessions.
If our country were blockaded by the united
powers of the world for years, she would emerge
from the embargo richer and stronger, and with her
own resources more completely developed. We
have little to fear from external attack. No
thorough blockade of our enormous seaboard is
possible ; but even if it were, the few indispensable
articles not produced by ourselves (if there were any
such) would reach us by way of Mexico or Canada
at slightly increased cost.

From every point of view we are forced to the
conclusion that the past policy of the Republic is
her true policy for the future ; for safety, for
peace, for happiness, for progress, for wealth, for
power — for all that makes a nation blessed.

Not till the war-drum is silent, and the day of
calm peace returns, can the issue be soberly
considered.

Twice have the American people met crucial
issues wisely, and in the third they are not to fail.

166

AMERICANISM VERSUS
IMPERIALISM

From the "North American Review," January and March, 1899

AMERICANISM VERSUS
IMPERIALISM

T^OR several grave reasons I regard possessions
J- in the far East as fraught with nothing but dis-
aster to the Republic. Only one of these, however,
can now be considered — the dangers of war and
of the almost constant rumors and threats of war
to which all nations interested in the far East are
subject. There is seldom a week which does not
bring alarming reports of threatened hostilities,
or of new alliances, or of changes of alliances,
between the powers arming for the coming strug-
gle. It is chiefly this far Eastern question which
keeps every ship-yard, gun-yard, and armor-yard
in the world busy night and day, Sunday and
Saturday, forging engines of destruction. It is in
that region the thunderbolt is expected ; it is there
the storm is to burst.

It is only four years since Japan defeated China
and had ceded to it a portion of Chinese territory,
the fruits of victory. Then appeared upon the
scene a combination of France, Russia, and Cer-

169

Americanism versus Imperialism

many, which drove Japan out of China. Russia
took part of the spoils for herself, and Germany-
later took territory near by. Japan got nothing.
Britain, the most powerful of all, stood by neutral.
Had she decided to defend Japan, the greatest war
ever known would have been the probable result ;
the thunderbolt would have fallen. Were the
question to be decided to-day, it is now considered
probable that Britain would support Japan.

Germany obtained a concession in China, and
Britain promptly appeared, demanding that Ger-
many should maintain the " open door " in all her
Chinese territory ; the same demand was made on
Russia. Both perforce consented. The far East is
a mine of dynamite, always liable to explode.

Into this magazine the United States proposes
to enter and take a hand in the coming contest.
It is obvious that what was done with Japan in re-
gard to Chinese territory may be done with the
United States in regard to her territory, the Phil-
ippines, and for the same reason — that the dictator
is overwhelmingly strong and the victim hope-
lessly weak.

The relative strength of the powers contending
for empire in the far East is as follows: Great
Britain has 80 first-class ships of war, 581 war-ships
in all; France has 50 first-class war-ships, and a
total of 403; Russia has 40 first-class war-ships,
286 in all ; Germany has 28 first-class war-ships, a
total of 216. Japan will soon rank with Germany,
and be stronger there because close to the scene of
action.

170

Americanism versus Imperialism

The United States proposes to enter into the
zone of danger with 18 first-class and a total of 81
ships. These would hardly count as half that num-
ber, however, owing to her greater distance from
the battle-ground. Eussia is 8000 miles, the other
Europeans about 9000 miles from it. The United
States is from 15,000 to 17,000 miles distant via
the Cape and via the Straits ; the route via Europe
is about 12,000 miles, but that would be impracti-
cable during war-time, as the American ships going
via Europe would pass right into the trap of their
European enemies.

The armies of the European nations are as fol-
lows : Germany's army on a peace footing numbers
562,352 men, on a war footing, 3,000,000 (and a
large addition ordered) ; France's army on a peTace
footing, 615,413, on a war footing, 2,500,000 ; Rus-
sia's, on a peace footing, 750,944, on a war footing,
2,512,143. All Frenchmen and Germans over
twenty, and all Russians over twenty-one years of
age are subject to military service. They are, in
fact, first soldiers, then citizens.

It is obvious that the United States cannot con-
test any question or oppose any demand of any
one of its rivals which secures the neutrality of
the other powers, as France, Germany, and Russia
did that of Britain. She cannot stand alone.
What the " Saturday Review" says here is true:

Let us be frank and say outright that we expect
mutual gain in material interests from this rapproche-
ment. The American commissioners at Paris are mak-

171

Americanism versus Imperialism

ing their bargains, whether they realize it or not, under
the protecting naval strength of England, and we shall
expect a material quid pro quo for this assistance. We
expect the United States to deal generously with Canada
in the matter of tariffs, and we expect to be remembered
when the United States comes into possession of the
Philippine Islands, and above all we expect her assistance
on the day, which is quickly approaching, when the
future of China comes up for settlement, for the young
Imperialist has entered upon a path where it will require
a strong friend, and a lasting friendship between the two
nations can be secured not by frothy sentimentality on
public platforms, but by reciprocal advantages in solid
material interests.

Bishop Potter has recently stated that we must
become the " cat's-paw of Britain " if we venture into
the arena, and that is true. By Britain's neutrality,
and by that alone, were we permitted to take the
Philippines at all from Spain. But for that, France,
Germany, and Eussia never would have stood aloof,
and the price demanded President McKinley has
had to pay — the "open door," which secures the
trade of our possessions for Britain. Nothing more
significant has occurred than the statement of Sena-
tor Davis, chairman of the Senate Committee upon
Foreign Relations, whose ability, influence, and
position are alike commanding. He says :

I favor a treaty of alliance including the United States,
Great Britain, and Japan, for the protection of all their
interests north of the equator. The rest of the world
would have a wholesome fear, synonymous with respect,
for us.

172

Americanism versus Imperialism

We may assume after this that it is true that,
just as we were allowed by Britain to take the
Philippines from Spain, so our position in the East
depends upon her continued support or alliance —
rather a humiliating position, I should say, for the
Republic. But let us see about alliances. Can we
depend upon an alliance ? National combinations
change with alarming rapidity in Europe. France
and Britain, allied, fought the Crimean War. They
took Sebastopol as we took Manila. Their flags
waved together there, but they did not consider
that that fact gave them the right to demand terri-
tory. To-day Russia and France are in firm alli-
ance against Britain and other nations. Germany
fought Austria ; to-day they are in the Triple Alli-
ance together. Italy allied with France fought the
battle of Solferino; to-day Italy is a member of
the Triple Alliance against France. Europe is a
kaleidoscope, where alliances change, dissolve, re-
combine, and take other forms with passing events.
During the past week the bitter enmity which re-
cently existed between Germany and Britain, owing
to German interference in the Transvaal, is changed,
and it is announced that " they see together upon
many points and expect to cooperate more and
more in the future." This morning the question is,
Shall France and Germany combine for some com-
mon ends 1 This would have been considered re-
markable a short time ago, but statesmen will
remember that Germany and France did combine
with Russia to drive Japan out of China. There is
no alliance, not even the most apparently incongru-

173

Americanism versus Imperialism

ous, tliat cannot be made, and that will not be
made, to meet the immediate interests or ambitions
of nations. Senator Davis seems to rest satisfied
with an alliance for his country with Britain and
Japan. If he had an alliance to-day, it might not
be worth the paper it was written upon to-morrow.

I say, therefore, that no American statesman
should place his country in any position which it
could not defend relying only upon its own strong
right arm. Its arm at present is not much to de-
pend upon; its eighty-one ships of war are too
trifling to be taken into account; and as for its
army — what are its fifty-six thousand regulars?
Its volunteers are being disbanded. Both its navy
and its army are good for one thing only — for
easy capture or destruction by either one of the
stronger powers. It is the protection of Britain,
and that alone, upon which we have to rely in
the far East — a slender thread indeed. Upon the
shifting sands of alliances we are to have our only
foundation.

The writer is not of those who believe that the
Republic cannot make herself strong enough .to
walk alone, and to hold her own, and to be an im-
perial power of herself, and by herself, and not the
weak prot6g6 of a real imperial power. But in order
to make herself an imperial power she must do as
imperial powers do — she must create a navy equal
to the navy of any other power. She must have
hundreds of thousands of regular troops to cooper-
ate with the navy.

If she devoted herself exclusively and unceasingly

174

Americanism versus Imperialism

to creating a navy equal to that of Britain, for in-
stance, which is what she will need if she is not to
be at the mercy of stronger powers, that will be the
work of more than twenty years, building twenty
war-ships per year; hitherto our navy has added
only six per year. In order to get the men to man
these ships, she must take the means to educate
them. That she can do this there is no question ;
that the American either on sea or land is at least
equal to the man of any other nation cannot be
gainsaid. More than this, I know the American
workman, especially the mechanic, to be the most
skilful, most versatile, in the world — and victories
at sea depend as much upon the mechanic below as
upon the gunner on deck, and American gunners
have no equals. It was no surprise to me that the
American war-ships sunk those of Spain without
loss. I spent last winter abroad in the society of
distinguished men of European nations who con-
gregate at Cannes. The opinion was universally
held by them that for a time the Spanish navy
would be master over us, although it was admitted
the superior resources of the United States must
eventually insure victory. I said then that, when-
ever any war-ships in the world met those of the
American navy, the other war-ships would go to
the bottom— for two reasons : first, our ships were
the latest and their equipment was the best, and,
second, I knew the kind of men who were behind
the guns. If ever the Republic falls from her in-
dustrial ideals and descends to the level of the war
ideals of Europe, she will be supreme ; I have no

*75

Americanism versus Imperialism

doubt of that. The man whom this stimulating
climate produces is the wiriest, quickest, most ver-
satile of all men, and the power of organization
exists in the American in greater perfection than
in any other. But what I submit is that at present
the Eepublic is an industrial hive, without an ade-
quate navy and without soldiers ; that she thei*e-
f ore must have a protector ; and that if she is to
figure in the East, she cannot be in any sense an
imperial power at all. Imperialism implies naval
and military force behind. Moral force, education,
civilization, are not the backbone of Imperialism ;
these are the moral forces which make for the
higher civilization, for Americanism. The founda-
tion for Imperialism is brutal physical strength,
fighting men with material forces, war-ships and
artillery.

The author of " A Look Ahead," which first ap-
peared in the "North American Review," is not
likely to be suspected of hostility to the coming
together of the English-speaking race. It has been
my dream, and it is one of the movements that
lie closest to my heart. For many years a united
flag has floated from my summer home in my
native land, the Stars and Stripes and the Union
Jack sewn together — the first flag of that kind
ever seen. That flag will continue to fly there and
the winds to blow the two from side to side in lov-
ing embrace. But I do not favor a formal alliance,
such as that desired by Senator Davis. On the
contrary, I rely upon the "alliance of hearts,"
which happily exists to-day. Alliances of fighting

176

Americanism versus Imperialism

power form and dissolve with the questions which
arise from time to time. The patriotism of race
lies deeper and is not disturbed by waves upon the
surface. The present era of good feeling between
the old and the new lands means that the home of
Shakspere and Burns will never be invaded
without other than native-born Britons being
found in its defense. It means that the giant
child, the Eepublic, is not to be set upon by a
combination of other races and pushed to its de-
struction without a growl coming from the old lion
which will shake the earth. But it should not
mean that either the old land or the new binds
itself to support the other in all its designs, either
at home or abroad, but that the Eepublic shall re-
main the friend of all nations and the ally of none;
that, being free to-day of all foreign entangle-
ments, she shall not undertake to support Britain,
who has these to deal with. Take Eussia, for
instance. Only last year leading statesmen were
pushing Britain into a crusade against that coun-
try. They proposed to prevent its legitimate ex-
pansion toward the Pacific — legitimate because it
is over coterminous territory, which Eussia can
absorb and Eussianize, keeping her empire solid.
She knows better than to have outlying possessions
open to attack. Eussia has always been the friend
of the United States. When Lord Palmerston,
Prime Minister of Great Britain, proposed to rec-
ognize the South, Eussia sent her fleet to New
York. Eussia sold us Alaska. We have no oppos-
ing interests to those of Eussia ; the two nations

177

Americanism versus Imperialism

are the only two great nations in the world solid,
compact, impregnable, because each has developed
only coterminous territory, upon which its own
race could grow. Even in the matter of trade with
Eussia, our exports are increasing with wonderful
rapidity. Shiploads of American locomotives,
American steel bridges, and American electrical
machinery for her leave our shores. Everything
in which our country is either supreme or be-
coming supreme goes to Eussia. Suppose Brit-
ain and Eussia clash in the far East and we have
an alliance with Britain, we are at war against
one of our best friends.

The sister Eepublic of France and our own,
from her very beginning, have been close friends.
The services France rendered at the Eevolution
may be, but never should be, forgotten by the
American. That some interests in France sym-
pathized with Spain was only natural. The finan-
cial world in France held the Spanish debt. The
religion of France is the religion of Spain.
The enemies of the French Eepublic sided with the
monarchy. But this can be said without fear of
contradiction, that those who govern France stood
the friends of our Eepublic, and that our enemies
in France were also the enemies of the French
government. An alliance with Britain and Japan
would make us a possible enemy of France. I
would not make an alliance which involved that.
I would make no alliance with any power under
any circumstances that can be imagined ; I would
have the Eepublic remain the friend of all powers.

178

Americanism versus Imperialism

That has been her policy from the beginning, and
so it should remain.

When " the world shall have a wholesome fear,
synonymous with respect, for us," as Senator Davis
desires, it will not be a good day for the Republic.
Adherence to Washington's desire seems better to
me — that we should be the "friends of all nations"
— a wholesome friendship instead of a "whole-
some fear."

Reference has been made to possible difference
arising between the protector and its ward, but I
do not wish to be understood as entertaining the
belief that actual war is probable between them.
Par from this, my opinion is that actual war will
never exist again between the two branches of the
English-speaking race. Should one have a griev-
ance, the other would offer arbitration, and no
government of either could exist which refused
that offer. The most powerful government ever
known in Britain was that of Lord Salisbury,
when President Cleveland rightfully demanded
arbitration in the Venezuelan case. As is well
known, Mr. Gladstone's government had agreed to
arbitration. Lord Salisbury, upon coming into
power, repudiated that agreement. Lord Salisbury
denied President Cleveland's request, and what
was the result ? Some uninformed persons in the
United States believe that he was compelled to
withdraw his refusal and accede to President
Cleveland's request by the attitude of the United
States. That was only partially true. The forces
in Britain supporting Lord Salisbury compelled

179

Americanism versus Imperialism

him to reverse his decision. This is an open secret.
Those nearest and next to him in power who sided
with President Cleveland could be named ; but the
published cables are sufficient. The heir and the
next heir to the throne cabled that they hoped
and believed the question would be -peacefully set-
tled. That behind this cable was the Queen her-
self, always the friend of the Republic, need not
be doubted.

The idea of actual war between Great Britain
and the Republic can be dismissed as something
which need not be taken into account ; but what is
to be feared is this: the neutrality of Britain —
even to-day desired by other powers — in case her
ward gave her offense, or was, as she supposed, un-
grateful, and did not make full return for the pro-
tection accorded to the weakling, as we have said.
It did not require the active hostility of Great
Britain to thwart Japan and push her out of her
possessions, but simply her decision not to interfere
on Japan's behalf. Had Japan had satisfactory
advantages to offer to Britain, she might have had
Britain's support. It is the satisfactory bargain
that alliances are founded upon in Europe ; every
European nation has its price, and every one of
them has something which the other covets.
France could give Britain a free hand in Egypt.
Germany could concur in Britain's acquisition of
Delagoa Bay and end her troubles in the Transvaal.
This is something Britain dearly covets. Russia
could give Britain a desired frontier in India.
These nations have all co-related interests and

180

Americanism versus Imperialism

desires, and no man can predict what alliances will
be broken and wbat made — it is all a matter of
self-interest. The United States has not this posi-
tion. She has little desirable to offer in exchange
for alliance, and in all probability she would be
sacrificed for the aims of her strong rivals — at
least she might be, being herself powerless.

When a statesman has in his keeping the position
and interests of his country, it is not with things
as they are to be in the future, but with things as
they are in the present, that it is his serious duty
to deal The dream, in which no one perhaps
indulges more than the writer, of the union of the
English-speaking race, even that entrancing dream
must be recognized as only a dream. The " Parlia-
ment of Man, the Federation of the World," we
know is to come. The evolutionist has never
any doubt about the realization of the highest
ideals from the operation of that tendency within
us, not ourselves, which makes for righteousness.
But he is no statesman — he is only a dreamer —
who allows his hopes to stand against facts, and he
who proposes that the United States, as she stands
to-day, shall enter into the coming struggle in the
far East, depending upon any alliance that can be
made with any or all of the powers, seems unsuited
to shape the policy or deal with the destinies of
the Republic.

Just consider her position, solid, compact, im-
pregnable. If all the naval forces were to combine
to attack her, what would be her reply ? She would
fill her ports with mines ; she would draw her ships

181

Americanism versus Imperialism

of war behind them, ready to rush out as favorable
opportunities might offer to attack. But she would
do more than this in extremity: she would close
her ports, — a few loaded scows would do the busi-
ness, — and all the powers in the world would be
impotent to injure her seriously. The fringe only
would be troubled ; the great empire within would
scarcely feel the attack.

The injury she would inflict upon the principal
powers by closing her ports would be much more
serious than could be inflicted upon her, because
non-exportation of food-stuffs and cotton would
mean famine and distress to Britain and injure her
to a greater degree than loss in battle. Even in
France and in Germany the results of non-exporta-
tion would be more serious than the effects of ordi-
nary war. It would only be a matter of a short
time until the powers recognized how futile was
their attempt to injure seriously this self-contained
Republic, whose estate here lies secure within a
ring fence.

The national wealth would not grow as fast dur-
ing the blockade, but that is all. Our foreign trade
would suffer, but that is a trifle, not more than four
per cent, of our domestic commerce. No expert
estimates the annual domestic exchanges of the
people at less than fifty thousand millions of dol-
lars ; those of exports and imports have never yet
reached quite two thousand millions. The annual
increase of domestic exchanges is estimated to be
just about equal to the total of all our foreign
trade, imports and exports combined. Labor

182

Americanism versus Imperialism

would be displaced, but the new demand upon it
caused by the new state of affairs would employ
it all. "We should emerge from the embargo with-
out serious injury. So much for the impregna-
bility of the Eepublic. To-day fortune rains upon
her. For the first time in her history, she has be-
come the greatest exporting nation in the world,
even the exports of Britain being less than hers.
Her manufactures are invading all lands ; commer-
cial expansion proceeds by leaps and bounds. New
York has become the financial center of the world.
It is London no more, but New York, which is to-
day the financial center. This, however, is not yet
to be claimed as permanent, but it promises to be-
come so ere long, unless the Republic becomes in-
volved in European wars through Imperialism.
Labor is in demand at the highest wages paid in
the world ; the industrial supremacy of the world
lies at our feet. Two questions are submitted to
the decision of the American people: first, Shall
we remain as we are, solid, compact, impregnable,
republican, American? or, second, Shall we creep
under the protection, and become, as Bishop Pot-
ter says, the " cat's-paw," of Britain, in order that we
may grasp the phantom of Imperialism ?

If the latter be the choice, then it is submitted
that we must first begin quietly to prepare ourselves
for the new work which Imperialism imposes.

"We need a large regular army of trained soldiers.
There is no use trying to encounter regular ar-
mies with volunteers — we have found that out.
Not that volunteers would not be superior to the

■83

Americanism versus Imperialism

class of men we shall get to enlist simply for pay-
in the regular army, if they would enlist there
and be trained, but because they are not trained.
Thirty-eight thousand more men are to be
called for the regular army ; but it is easy " to call
spirits from the vasty deep " — they may not come.
The present force of the army is sixty-two thousand
men by law; we have only fifty-six thousand, as
the President tells us in his message. Why do we
not first fill up the gap, instead of asking for legis-
lation to enlist more ? Because labor is well em-
ployed and men are scarce in some States to-day ;
because men who now enlist know for what they
are wanted, and that kind of work is not what
American soldiers have been asked to perform
hitherto. They have never had to leave their own
country, much less to shoot down men whose only
crime against the Republic was that they, too, like
ourselves, desired their country's independence and
believed in the Declaration of Independence — in
Americanism. The President may not get the sol-
diers he desires, and whom he must have if he is
not to make shipwreck of his Imperialism. There
is very grave reason to doubt whether the army
can be raised even to one hundred thousand men
without a great advance in pay, perhaps not with-
out conscription. But surely before we appear in
the arena in the far East we must have a large
regular army.

The second indispensable requirement is a navy
corresponding, at least in some degree, to the navies
of the other powers interested in the East. We

184

Americanism versus Imperialism

can get this in twenty years, perhaps, if we push
matters, but this means building twenty ships a
year. The securing of men trained to man them
will be as difficult a task as the building of the
ships.

When we have armed ourselves thus, but not till
then, shall we be in a position to take and hold ter-
ritory in the far East " by the sole power of our
unlorded will," as we should hold it, or not hold it at
all. To rush in now, without army or navy, trust-
ing to the treacherous shifting foundation of any-
body's " protection," or " neutrality," or " alliance,"
is to court defeat, and such humiliation as has
rarely fallen to the lot of any nation, even the
poorest and most madly or most foolishly governed.
It is not good sense.

This ends the subject upon which I undertook to
write, but there remains the practical question,
What shall we do with the Philippines? These
are not ours, unless the Senate approves the treaty;
but, assuming that it will, that question arises.

The question can best be answered by asking
another : What have we promised to do with Cuba?
The cases are as nearly parallel as similar cases
usually are. We drove Spain out of both Cuba and
the Philippines. Our ships lie in the harbors of
both. Our flag waves over both. To Cuba the
President in his message renews the pledge given
by Congress — she is to be aided to form a " free
and independent government at the earliest possi-
ble moment."

The magic words "free and independent" will

l8 5

Americanism versus Imperialism

be accepted by the people of Cuba, and our sol-
diers hailed as deliverers. So well assured of this
is our government that only one half the number
of troops intended for Cuba are now to be sent
there.

Even if we were tempted to play false to our
pledge, as the enemies of the Eepublic in Europe
predict we shall, the aspirations of a people for
independence are seldom quenched. There are
a great number of Americans, and these of the best,
who would soon revolt at our soldiers being used
against the Cubans fighting for what they had been
promised. The latest advices I have from Cuba
are from a good source. This necessity is not likely
to arise. Cuba will soon form a government, and,
mark my prediction, she will ask for annexation.
The proprietors of Cuba who will control the new
government, and many Americans who are becom-
ing interested with them in estates there, will see
to this. " Free sugar " means fortune to all. Will
the United States admit Cuba? Doubtful. But
Cuba need not trouble us very much. There is no
Imperialism here — no danger of foreign wars.

Now, why is the policy adopted for the island of
Cuba not the right policy for the Philippine Islands'?
General Schofield states that thirty thousand troops
will be required there, as we may have to "lick
them." What work this for Americans ! General
Miles thinks twenty-five thousand will do. If we
promised them what we have promised Cuba, half
the number would suffice, as with Cuba, — probably
less, — and we should be spared the uncongenial

1 86

Americanism versus Imperialism

task of shooting down people who are guiltless of
offense against us.

If we insist "the slaves are ours because we
bought them," and fail to tell them we come not as
slave-drivers, but as friends to assist them to inde-
pendence, we may have to " lick them," no doubt.
It will say much for the Filipinos if they do rebel
against "being bought and sold like cattle." It
would be difficult to give a better proof of their fit-
ness for self-government.

Cuba is under the shield of the Monroe Doctrine;
no foreign interference is possible there. Place the
Philippines under similar conditions until they
have a stable government, when eight millions of
people can be trusted to protect themselves. The
truth is that none of the powers would risk the hos-
tility of eight millions of people who had tasted the
hope of independence. "Free and independent"
are magical words, never forgotten, and rarely un-
realized.

Only one objection can be made to this policy :
they are not fit to govern themselves. First, this
has not been proved. This was said of every one
of the sixteen Spanish republics as they broke
away from Spain ; it was said even of Mexico within
this generation; it was the belief of the British
about ourselves. There is, in the writer's opinion,
little force in the objection. In the far East I have
visited the village communities in India, to find
even there a system of self-government dating back
for two thousand years. In no country, not even
the most backward, are government and "orders

187

Americanism versus Imperialism

and degrees " of men not to be found. The head
men of tribes and others of lesser authority are
often selected by the members. In the wild lands
of the Afridis — a tribe in India which has just
baffled seventy thousand soldiers, native and British,
the largest army ever assembled there — there is a
system of self-government, and a rigid one. Human
societies cannot exist without establishing, as a
rule, peace and order in greater or less perfection.

The Filipinos are by no means in the lowest scale
— far from it ; nor are they much lower than the
Cubans. If left to themselves they will make mis-
takes, but what nation does not ? Riot and blood-
shed may break out — in which nation are these
absent ? Certainly not in our own. But the inevi-
table result will be a government better suited to
the people than any that our soldiers and their
officers could ever give.

Thus only can the Republic stand true to its
pledge that the sword was drawn only in the
cause of humanity and not for territorial aggran-
dizement, and true to the fundamental principles
upon which it rests: that "government derives
its just powers from the consent of the governed";
that the flag, wherever it floats, shall proclaim
"the equality of the citizen," "one man's privilege
every man's right"; that "all men are created
equal," not that under its sway a part only shall be
citizens with rights and a part subjects without
rights — freemen and serfs, not all freemen. Such
is the issue between Americanism and Impe-
rialism.

188

Americanism versus Imperialism

II

In the January number of the "Review" I dealt
with the danger of foreign wars and entanglements
as one of several grave reasons against departing
from the past policy of the Republic, which has
kept it solid and compact upon its own continent,
to undertake the subjection and government of
subject races in the tropics. I now propose to con-
sider one of the reasons given for such departure
— the only one remaining which retains much
vitality, for the two other reasons once so promi-
nent have already faded away and now are scarcely
ever urged. These were "commercial expan-
sion" in peace and "increased power" in war.
The President killed the first when compelled by
Great Britain to gi^e the " open door " as the price
for her support ; for to give the " open door " to
the nearer foreigner meant the " closed door " to
the products of the soil and mines of his own
country. There never was and never can be any
trade worth quarreling about in the Philippines ;
but what little there is or can be he has given
away. When the country saw Dewey's fleet
provisioned from Australia, instead of from our
own agricultural land, the claim of possible expan-
sion of American commerce there fell to the
ground.

The second claim, that the Re pubic as a war
power would be strengthened, held the field even
for a shorter period than that of commercial

189

Americanism versus Imperialism

expansion, for it was obvious that distant posses-
sions would only give to our enemies, during war,
vulnerable points of attack which had hitherto
been wanting. As one solid mass, without out-
lying possessions, the Republic is practically
unassailable. Should she keep the Philippines,
any one of the great naval powers has her at its
mercy. Hence Admiral Sampson warned us but
a few days ago that " our risks of and dangers
from war had already increased a hundred per
cent, and that we needed to double our navy."
The President has just asked that our army also
be doubled.

Thus the claims of "commercial expansion" in
peace and of " increased power " in war have bled
to death of themselves.

There remains to-day, as the one vital element
of Imperialism, the contention that Providence has
opened for the American people a new and larger
destiny, which imposes heavy burdens indeed upon
them, but from which they cannot shrink without
evading holy duty ; that it has become their sacred
task to undertake the civilization of a backward
people committed to their charge. A found-
ling has been left at their door, which it is their
duty to adopt, educate, and govern. In a word, it
is "Humanity," "Duty," "Destiny," which call
upon us again for sacrifice. These potent cries,
which brought us to the drawing of the sword for
oppressed Cuba, are now calling us to a more
difficult task, and hence to a greater " duty."

It is encouraging to those who hold to Ameri-
190

Americanism versus Imperialism

canism that the chief strength of the imperialistic
movement calling upon us to depart from our
republican ideals, rests upon no ignoble foundation
to-day. It is not the desire of gain, as our Euro-
pean critics assert, nor the desire of military glory,
which gives vitality to the strange outburst for
expansion and the proposed holding of alien races
in subjection for their good. The average Ameri-
can, especially in the West, really believes that his
country can govern these tropical people, and
benefit them by so doing; he considers it a duty
not to evade a task which, as he sees it, Provi-
dence has clearly imposed upon his country. The
writer knows that the cynics, both at home and
abroad, but especially the latter, will smile at this
statement ; but the extent of the ignorance of the
American people in general, except in the South,
about subject races and tropical conditions,
cannot be realized by Europeans. This ignorance
is truly as great as their belief implies. Their lack
of knowledge is at fault, but the greater this lack
the clearer is it that they can be credited with
absolute sincerity, and with those very dangerous
things when possessed without knowledge, " good
intentions." The people of the South, who have
knowledge of the problems of race, are with rare
unanimity opposed to further accretions, and see
it to be a " holy duty " to keep our Eepublic from
further dangers arising from racial differences.

Our national history has not been such as to
give our people experience in dealing with this
new and essentially foreign question, but the

I 9 I

Americanism versus Imperialism

American democracy has displayed in all national
crises a highly creditable sensitiveness tu the
moral features of every issue presented. The de-
ciding voice has been that of those who stood for
what made toward its abolition until the issue was
placed upon high moral grounds. In the issue of
secession, patriotism played the first part, but the
enthusiasm of the nation was greatly quickened
the moment it became a question of the emancipa-
tion of the slaves. Even in the recent issue, when
the debasement of the standard of value was pro-
posed, those who stood for the maintenance of
the high standard found their strongest weapon
when they placed before the people the moratside
of the question, and argued that debts contracted
in gold should be paid in gold ; that the savings of
the people deposited in banks in gold should be so
repaid ; and that the soldiers' pensions should be
paid in money equal to any. The justice of the
matter, what was right, what was fair, — in other
words, the moral side of the question, — was potent
in determining the decision.

"We hear much of the decline of the pulpit in
our day, and upon theological questions and
dogmas its influence cannot be what it once was.
Yet, as far as our country is concerned, I should
say that the power of the pulpit upon all moral
questions has gained as much as it has lost upon
theological issues. It is not less powerful to-day
in this domain of the Republic than in Scotland,
and far more so than in any other English-speak-
ing country. In such questions its voice has been

192

Americanism versus Imperialism

potent when decisively pronounced upon one side
or the other, as it generally has been ; but in re-
gard to Imperialism it has been divided. Bishop
Potter, Dr. van Dyke, Dr. Cuyler, Dr. Parkhurst,
Dr. Eaton, and others equally prominent stand
firmly against it. On the other hand, Bishop
Doane, Dr. Lyman Abbott, and others have taken
the opposite view, but solely from the standpoint
of the good of the subject races, not in the
slightest degree for our own advantage. This view,
and this alone, is what gives Imperialism most of
its remaining vitality.

Here is the essence of the whole matter given
by Professor Alden of the University of Pennsyl-
vania :

Apropos of the missionary argument for expansion,
the clergyman under whose ministry I sat last Sunday
offered the following petition on behalf of the Filipinos :

"We pray thee that those who prefer to remain in
darkness, and are even willing to fight in order to do so,
may, whether willingly or unwillingly, be brought into the
light."

Instantly there came to my mind the naive remark of
the pious author of the. " Chanson de Roland," in describ-
ing one of the victories of Charlemagne over the Mussul-
mans:

En la citet nen at remes paien
Ne seit oeis, o devient crestiens.

That is to say : " There was not a pagan left in the city
who was not either killed or made a Christian." So may
it be in Manila, when a similar dilemma is prepared for
its inhabitants.

193

Americanism versus Imperialism

Bishop Doane is the most prominent representa-
tive of the religious world who upholds the mis-
sionary view, and he would probahly hesitate to
push it to its logical conclusion, as his less known
ministerial adherent does. The Bishop gives the
argument of " Duty " in the following :

Bishop Doane says that precedent seems to indicate that
both by the inherent national right of sovereignty and
under the existing Constitution we can provide for the
government of the people whom we have rescued, but that
if this supposition shall be found untrue, " then we must
remember that, in the emergency, national life and duty
are more important than the letter of a document, and
that the Constitution, not being, as some people seem to
think it, a close and final revelation of God, can be
amended. . . . No difficulties and no anxieties can alter
the facts or change the situation or put back the advan-
cing movement of God's will, which tends to the final sub-
stitution of the civilization, the liberty, and the religion of
English-speaking people for the lost domination of the
Latin races and the Latin religion. God has called the
people in America to be his instruments in a movement
perhaps even greater in its consequence than the Reforma-
tion in England or the liberation of Italy or the unifica-
tion of Germany, and in the spirit of dependence on him,
with the quiet courage of patient faith, we must rise to
the duty of the hour."

It is with the view Bishop Doane presents that
we anti-Imperialists have to deal, not with spouting
party politicians waving the flag, and descending to
clap-trap phrases to " split the ears of the ground-
lings." In the Bishop's words we see some reason

194

Americanism versus Imperialism

for the charge sometimes made against ecclesiastics,
viz., that, their attention being chiefly fixed upon
the other world, they seldom shine as advisers upon
affairs pertaining to this. The Bishop's remedy
for overcoming constitutional obstacles, for in-
stance, is easily suggested ; but such an amend-
ment to the Constitution is impossible, since upon
this question all the Southern States are attached to
its present provisions, and against " rescuing " and
governing subject races by force. Having in their
own land some experience of race problems of
which the North and West are ignorant, they stand
for the old Americanism. Then, again, the Bishop
reveals to us " Grod's will," which, he informs us,
" tends to the final substitution of the civilization,
the liberty, and the religion of English-speaking
people for the lost domination of the Latin races and
the Latin [Catholic] religion." It may be open even
for a layman who cannot pretend to know the de-
signs of the Creator to observe that, in the case of
the tropics, the Unknown Power seems to have
placed an insurmountable barrier against the Eng-
lish-speaking race. Professor Worcester, who
knows most about the Philippines, tells us that our
race cannot settle there and make permanent
homes ; neither can it in other parts of the tropics,
nor has it ever done so. It has tried to do so in
India, but failed. If a British child be born there,
it must be sent home. In the Philippines it is even
worse. Can Bishop Doane point to any considera-
ble or successful settlement of our race in the
tropics? He cannot do so, and this fact would

195

Americanism versus Imperialism

seem to imply that perhaps the Bishop may have
misinterpreted God's will. It would seem that,
perhaps, in his own way he intends the people he
has placed in the tropics to develop a civilization
for themselves, and is keeping his loving, fatherly
eye upon his children there just as tenderly as
upon the Bishop. In my travels, I have found the
universal laws everywhere working to higher and
higher standards of national life. All the world
steadily improves. Only impatient men, destitute
of genuine faith in the divine government through-
out all the world, doubt that all goes well. The
Bishop's eminent colleague, Bishop Potter, sees
"God's will," our "holy duty," so differently from
Bishop Doane. When bishops in the same church
disagree, it is difficult to decide.

Perhaps we are not justified in quoting Dr.
Abbott as still an Imperialist, since his latest article
in the " Outlook " is entitled "An Official Disclaimer
of Imperialism." After quoting the Cuban Resolu-
tion passed by Congress, he asks :

Why should not Congress at the present juncture pass a
similar resolution respecting the Philippines ? . . . When
pacification is secured, our mission is at an end. . . .
The above resolution respecting Cuba was simply an
affirmation of the principles of this government wrought
into its Constitution, vital to its life, affirmed and reaffirmed
at many periods of its history. It denies that we wish
either to hold people in subjection or to possess their ter-
ritory as our own. Under no circumstances do the Ameri-
can people desire to hold under military government
against their will a discontented and resisting people.

196

Americanism versus Imperialism

These sentiments justify the title. They are in-
deed a disclaimer of Imperialism, but it seems that,
like Bishop Potter, Dr. Abbott has not been favored
with the revelation of Cod's will made to Bishop
Doane, for, according to him, " whenever the sub-
ject races are pacified our mission ends " ; while it
is only after pacification that the Bishop's " Holy
Mission " can begin to enforce " God's will " by the
crusade against the Catholic (Latin) form of re-
ligion, for the introduction of "the religion of
English-speaking people," of which we have in our
land more than two hundred and fifty different
forms, all used and loved by those who speak the
English tongue. Even our valued Catholic friends
are often " English-speaking people."

Nevertheless, we must recognize that, diametri-
cally opposed as Bishop Doane and his school, and
Dr. Abbott and his school are in their conclusions,
they both have as their aim what they believe to
be the good of the poor backward races, and nei-
ther pecuniary gain nor military glory for their
own country. None of these earnest, good men
have anything in common with the ranting political
school. They see only serious and unsought
"duty "where the other finds "gain" or "glory,"
if not for the nation, at least for themselves as
politicians.

Imperialism can become a " holy duty " only if
we can by forcible interference confer blessings
upon the subject races ; otherwise it remains what
the President once said it was, " criminal aggres-
sion." Let us see, therefore, whether good or evil

197

Americanism versus Imperialism

flows from such interference. This is easily ascer-
tained, for there are many dependencies of Euro-
pean powers throughout the world, and many races
held in subjection. Has the influence of the supe-
rior race upon the inferior ever proved beneficial
to either ? I know of no case in which it has been
or is, and I have visited many of the dependencies.
Where is there anything to show that it has been ?
On the contrary, the mass of authority declares
that the influence of a superior race upon an infe-
rior in the tropics is not elevating, but demoralizing.
It is not difficult to understand why. Take the
Philippines, for instance. The prevailing religion
is our own Christian religion, Catholic, of course,
but Christian, as in France and Belgium. In the
interior there are Mohammedans, next in impor-
tance. Mr. Bray, the resident English consul, gives
in the "Independent" a picture of happy life in
Manila, which reminded me of what I had found
in the East.

One of the great satisfactions in traveling around
theworldis in learningthat Grodhas made all peoples
happy in their own homes. We find no people in
any part of the world desirous of exchanging their
lot with any other. My own experience has im-
pressed this truth very strongly upon me. Upon
our journey to the North Cape, we stopped in the
Arctic Circle to visit a camp of Laplanders in the
interior. A guide is provided, with instructions to
keep in the rear of the hindmost of the party going
and returning, to guard against any being left be-
hind. Returning from the camp, I walked with

198

Americanism versus Imperialism

this guide, who spoke English and had traveled the
world round in his earlier years as a sailor, and was
proud to speak of his knowing New York, Boston,
New Orleans, and other ports of ours. ■ Beaching
the edge of the fiord, and looking down upon it, we
saw a hamlet upon the opposite side, and one two-
story house under construction, with a grass-plot
surrounding it, a house so much larger than any of
the adjacent huts that it betokened great wealth.
Our guide explained that a man had made a great
fortune. He was their multi-millionaire, and his for-
tune was reported to reach no less a figure than
thirty thousand kroner (seven thousand five hundred
dollars), and he had returned to his native place of
Tromso to build this " palace " and spend his days
there. Strange preference for a night six months
long ! But it was home. I asked the guide which
place. in all the world he would select if ever he
made such a fortune — with a lingering hope that
he would name some place in our own favored
land. How could he help it ? But his face beamed
with pleasure at the idea of ever being rich, and he
said finally : " Ah, there is no place like Tromso ! "
Traveling in southern India, one day I was taken
into the country to see tapioca roots gathered and
ground for use. The adults working in the grove,
men and women, had each a rag around the loins,
but the boys and girls, with their black, glossy
skins, were free of all encumbrance. Our guide
explained to these people that we were from a
country so far away, and so different from theirs,
that the waters were sometimes made solid by the

199

Americanism versus Imperialism

extreme cold and we could walk upon them ; that
sometimes it was so intensely cold that the rain
was frozen into particles, and lay on the earth so
deep that people could not walk through it, and
that three and four layers of heavy clothes had to
be worn. This happy people, as our guide told us,
wondered why we stayed there, why we did not
come and enjoy life in their favored clime.

It is just so with the Philippines to-day, as one
can see from Mr. Bray's account of them. It is
astonishing how much all human beings the world
round are alike in their essentials. These peoples
love their homes and their country, their wives and
children, as we do, and they have their pleasures
If, in our humanitarian efforts and longing to bene-
fit them, under the call of duty or destiny, we
should bring a hundred to New York, give them
fine residences on Fifth Avenue, a fortune condi-
tioned upon their remaining, and try to " civilize "
them, as we should say, they would all run away if
not watched, and risk their lives in an attempt to
get back to their own civilization, which G-od has
thought best to provide for them in the Philippines.
They have just the same feelings as we have, not
excluding love of country, for which, like ourselves,
as we see, they are willing to die. Oh, the pity of
it ! the pity of it ! that Filipino mothers with
American mothers equally mourn their lost sons —
one fallen, defender of his country ; the other the
invader. Yet the invader was ordered by those
who see it their " duty " to invade the land of the
Filipinos for their civilization. Duty, stern god-

2 00

Americanism versus Imperialism

dess, what strange things men sometimes do in thy
name !

Another reason which, we submit, renders it
beyond our power to benefit these people is that,
with the exception of a few men seeking their own
gain, the only Americans whom the Filipinos can
ever know must be our soldiers, for American
women and children cannot make their homes
there. No holy influence flowing from American
homes, no Christian women, no sweet children;
nothing there but men and soldiers, the former
only a few adventurers who, failing to succeed at
home, thought they could make money there. Now,
every writer upon the subject tells that the
presence of soldiers in any town in the tropics is
disastrous to both native and foreigner; that the
contact of the superior race with the inferior de-
moralizes both, for reasons well understood. Forty-
six per cent, of the British army in India is at all
times diseased. What imperialistic clergyman or
intelligent man but knows that soldiers in foreign
camps, so far from being missionaries for good,
require missionaries themselves more than the
natives 1 It would all be so different if Americans
could settle and establish their homes in the Phil-
ippines, and amalgamate with the people, making a
colony. It is in colonies, not in dependencies, that
Britain has done good work. Soldiers will not
benefit the inferior race in the Philippines. Men
there for gain will not. Missionaries there are
already in abundance. Beyond a few of a different
sect of Christianity, we have nothing more we can

20I

Americanism versus Imperialism

send, and these will find welcome there if we cease
warfare upon the people, while to-day they would
be regarded as enemies. It is not civilization, not
improvement, therefore, that Imperialism can give
to the Philippines, should we hold permanent pos-
session. It is serious injury both to the Filipinos
and to our soldiers, and to the American citizens
who go there. It is a bad day for either soldier
or business man when, in a foreign land, he is
bereft of the elevating influences which center in
the home.

The religious school of Imperialists intends doing
for the Filipinos what is best for them, no doubt ;
but when we crush in any people its longing for
independence, we take away with one hand a more
powerful means of civilization than all which it is
possible for us to bestow with the other. There is
implanted in the breast of every human commu-
nity the sacred germ of self-government, as the
most potent means of Providence for raising them
in the scale of being. Any ruler, be he President
or Czar, who attempts to suppress the growth of
this sacred spark is guilty of the greatest of public
crimes. There is no people or tribe, however low
in the scale, that does not have self-government in
a greater or less degree. The Haitians and the San
Domingans do not require our interference. Why
is it not seen to be our duty to force our ideas upon
these, our neighbors ? The Filipinos are not infe-
rior to these people. On the contrary, we have
Admiral Dewey and General Merritt both stating
that the Filipinos are more capable of self-govern-

202

Americanism versus Imperialism

ment than the Cubans. It may be taken as a
truism that a people which is willing to fight and
to die for the independence of their country is at
least worthy of a trial of the self-government it
seeks. The Filipinos have done this. Even if
they had not, it is better for the development of a
people that they should attempt to govern them-
selves, this being the only school in which they
can ever learn to do so. No matter through what
years of failure they have to struggle, the end is
certain, the successful development of the faculty
of government. Through this stern but salutary
school our own race traveled for centuries in
Britain, with varying fortunes, but the end was
the evolution of constitutional government. The
cost is great, but the result is beyond price. No
superior race ever gave it to an inferior without
settling among and amalgamating with that race.
In the Philippines, and in the tropics generally,
this is impossible. The intruding race cannot
be grown there, and where we cannot grow
our own race we cannot give civilization to the
other. We can only retard, not hasten, their de-
velopment.

India has been subject to British rule for nearly
two hundred years, and yet not one piece of artil-
lery can yet be intrusted to native troops. The
people have still to be held down as in the begin-
ning. It is so in every dependency in which the
superior power assumes the right to govern the
inferior, without being able to settle there and
amalgamate with it. We challenge the Imperialist

203

Americanism versus Imperialism

to give one instance to the contrary in all Britain's
possessions.

The impulse which carried many clergymen and
other good people away at first was creditable to
their hearts and emotions. But Dr. Abbott's re-
markable article just quoted may be taken as evi-
dence that the reason is now demanding audience,
and not what we should like to do, but what con-
ditions render it possible for us to do, or wisely
undertake, is now to be soberly considered.

The press also, like the pulpit, has done its part
to stir the impulse to meet the demands of the
" New Destiny " ; but one of the most prominent
organs of all in this work, and the leading govern-
ment organ in the "West, the "Times-Herald" of
Chicago, — to judge from a recent editorial, — is
also finding its hot passion chilled at the throne of
reason, as it confronts and examines the conditions
of the situation. It says :

The conscience of the American people will not tol-
erate the slaughter of Filipinos in a war of conquest.
We do not seek their laud ; we do not wish to replace the
yoke of Spain with one bearing the more merciful and
just label of the United States. Let the President an-
nounce that we have no intention to annex Asiatic terri-
tory, and that the pledge of Congress as to Cuban inde-
pendence will be the pledge of the American nation to the
Philippines.

If the President had said this in his message to
the Filipinos there could not to-day rise before him
the specter of nearly five thousand human beings
" mowed down like grass," as the cable describes,

204

Americanism versus Imperialism

and sixty of our own fellow-citizens sacrificed and
several hundreds wounded. This is the effect of his
failure to say to the one people what he said to the
other. His responsibility is great.

I write upon the eve of the birthday of the
greatest public man of the century, perhaps of all
the centuries, if his strange history be considered
— Abraham Lincoln. Washington, Franklin, and
Jefferson may have become "back numbers," as we
have been often told, for, as men of the past cen-
tury, they could not know our destiny; but here is
the man of our own time, whom many of us were
privileged to know. Are his teachings to be dis-
carded for those of any now living who were his
contemporaries? Listen to him: "No man is good
enough to govern another without that man's con-
sent. I say this is the leading principle, the sheet-
anchor of American republicanism." It is not
fashionable for the hour to urge that the "consent
of the governed" is all-important; but it will be
fashionable again one of these days.

It seems as if Lincoln were inspired to say the
needful word for this hour of strange subversion of
all we have hitherto held dear in our political life.
Our "duty" to bear the "White Man's Burden" is
to-day's refrain, but Lincoln tells us: "When the
white man governs himself, that is self-govern-
ment; but when he governs himself and also
governs another man, that is more than self-gov-
ernment: that is despotism." Lincoln knew no-
thing of the new "Duty" and new "Destiny," or
whether it is "Duty which makes Destiny" or

205

Americanism versus Imperialism

"Destiny which makes Duty"; but he knew the old
doctrines of Republicanism well.

One other lesson from the great American: " Our
reliance is in the love of liberty which God has
planted in us. Our defense is in the spirit which
prizes liberty as the heritage of all men in all lands
everywhere. Those who deny freedom to others de-
serve it not for themselves, and under a just God
cannot long retain it."

Are these broad liberty-loving and noble liberty-
giving principles of Americanism, as proclaimed
by President Lincoln, to be discarded for the nar-
row liberty-denying, race-subjecting Imperialism
of President McKinley when the next appeal is
made to the American people? We have never for
one moment doubted the answer; for they have
never yet failed to decide great issues wisely nor to
uphold American ideals.

Never had this nation greater cause to extol
Abraham Lincoln than upon this the ninetieth
anniversary of his birth, and never till to-day
had it cause to lament that a successor in the
Presidential chair should attempt to subvert his
teachings.

206

DEMOCRACY IN ENGLAND

From the "North American Review," January, 1886

DEMOCRACY IN ENGLAND

THE most interesting political problem which
the world presents to-day is undoubtedly that
now pressing for solution in England. For the
first time in their history, the majority of her
people have power. Henceforth England is demo-
cratic. Cajoled, overruled, thwarted for genera-
tions by the aristocratic classes, who have do\ed
out to them from time to time only such small
measures of reform as were necessary to prevent
revolution, the people have never been fully heard.
A climax was reached, however, last session, when
an act was forced upon the House of Lords which
at once transferred power from the privileged few
to the masses. It is this fact which renders the
situation there so interesting to the political
student.

To understand the position, it is needful to look
for a few moments at the scope of the great act
just referred to. The electoral system of England
was quite fair when established centuries ago.
The centers of population then lay in the south of

11

209

Democracy in England

England, and this district very properly sent to
Parliament a majority of representatives. Those
were the days when pretty little Bideford in
Devonshire was required to send sixteen sail
against the Armada, while Liverpool's quota was
but two. But as population shifted to the middle
and north of the island, the great cities like
Birmingham, Leeds, Manchester, and Glasgow,
each sending but two representatives, were offset
by the two members from some decaying village in
the south. Seventy thousand electors, say in Bir-
mingham or Glasgow, had no more weight than a
few hundred in Woodstock or Eye. To aggra-
vate this injustice, the aristocratic landholders
kept firm hold of the counties by restricting the
right of voting to such as paid a rental sufficiently
high to exclude all but the farmers, and traders
who were wholly dependent upon them.

All this has been changed. The bill of last year
gave the suffrage to residents throughout the
country districts. Even ■ the hitherto despised
farm-laborers are now voters. The total electorate
is increased about forty per cent. The squires and
parsons who have for generations designated the
county representatives, now find themselves power-
less against the populace. The influence of this
revolution is already seen in the character of the
representatives whom they have just returned.
The old-fashioned country squire has been dis-
carded, and a rising barrister, rich merchant, or
large employer of labor, has taken his place. Most
significant was the remark of one of the Liberal

2IO

Democracy in England

managers to me, that he had on his list thirteen
titled gentlemen ready to serve the state in Par-
liament, for whom no satisfactory constituencies
could be found, their titles being regarded as
elements of weakness before the new voters.

Even more important than the vast addition of
voters to the electorate is the redistribution of
seats which the measure enacts. One hundred and
sixty-seven have been taken from the smaller
constituencies and given to the great cities. All
constituencies less than ten thousand in number
have been abolished. What England is and has
been, under the rule of a privileged class chiefly
intent upon preserving their privileges, and re-
stricted at every turn by feudal traditions, is well
known. What she is to become under the rule of
a democracy, in which no barriers exist between
the popular will and its prompt execution, is now
the question.

To this but one reply can be given. The people
of England will proceed to assimilate their political
institutions to those of all other English-speaking
communities. The institutions will be rapidly
colonialized and Americanized. This process began
some years ago, and has continued without cessa-
tion. And just in proportion as the people have
been able to influence their rulers has the move-
ment been accelerated. The record of recent legis-
lation shows only a copying of our institutions.

The first and by far the most important step
ever taken in this direction was the adoption some
years ago of a system of public education. Every

211

Democracy in England

child in the land now receives an education equal
to that which we bestow. Small fees are still col-
lected from parents, but the local school boards
have authority to pay these fees should parents be
unable to do so. Attendance is compulsory. The
first generation of those who have benefited by this
system are now appearing upon the stage of action
with the inevitable result : they are radical. Edu-
cation is everywhere a sure destroyer of privilege.
The boy who can read the Declaration of Inde-
pendence may be trusted to feel its force sooner or
later. The doctrine of political equality, once
known, enters the heart of man a welcome guest.
Following us again, as we have seen, the Electoral
Act is a great step toward our plan of equal
districts and universal suffrage. Legislation upon
law, a department in which Britain has long been
considered supreme, has recently been in the direc-
tion of combining law and equity, after our prac-
tice. The patent laws of England have just been
modeled after our own, although there is yet much
to be done to bring them to our standard. In re-
gard to married women's property, the year before
last witnessed the discarding of feudal ideas and
the adoption of our American law upon the subject.
In a short time we are to see marriage with a
deceased wife's sister allowed in England, as it is
in other English-speaking lands. If we expect
legislation upon Irish land, which Mr. Gladstone
and every member of the government pronounced
exceptional and only justifiable upon the plea of
necessity, it would be difficult to point out any

212

Democracy in England

change made in the laws of Britain during the
past twenty years which is not in the direction of
the colonial and republican practice. If we regard
prospective legislation, we again find the parent
land is politically under the influence of her chil-
dren ; her part for some years is to follow them.

England's position is indeed unique among na-
tions. Time was when not only all English-speak-
ing communities, but the thinkers of all nations,
looked to her for lessons in political development.
The mother of nations was the mother of par-
liaments. Trial by jury, habeas corpus, freedom of
the press, constitutional government itself — all
these are her work ; but they are of the past, and
are accepted as the law of gravitation is, there be-
ing no further dispute about them. The world re-
quires the solution of new problems, fitting a more
advanced condition; and toward this the fondest
admirers of the dear old land must blush to
own her contribution has been but scanty.
A new English-speaking community, about to
found a state, might indeed still look to England,
but it would be to learn, not what to adopt, but
what to avoid. Instead of standing forth a model,
she has become a warning. No state would think
of adopting throne, hereditary chamber, primo-
geniture and entail, union of church and state, or
any other of the remains of feudal institutions
with which England is afflicted. Her more enter-
prising children seem to stand reminding her that

To have done, is nothing
But to stand, like rusty mail,
In monumental mockery.

213

Democracy in England

It is not to be supposed, unless Britain's star has
set, and Britons are Britons no more, that the
people — now educated, and becoming more and
more apprised of the truth that they have been
indulging in a Rip Van Winkle sleep — will rest
content, deprived of the position they once held as
the foremost nation of the world, the pioneer in
political progress. I am quite sure that Britons
are still Britons, a mighty race, whose part in the
world, great as it has been, is not yet played to a
finish. England has risen from her slumber.

The appeal to the people which has just taken
place has unfortunately resulted in an equivocal
response. For several reasons the towns which
voted first have deserted the Liberals for the
Tories. First, the Irish vote, from dictates of
policy, was thrown against their natural allies, the
Liberals. Second, the premature explosion of the
issue of church disestablishment on the eve of the
election frightened many Liberal churchmen into
opposition. The Englishman regards every new
question as a bogy, and has to be led up quietly to
the object, and accustomed to it before he can be
driven on. A third reason, no doubt more potent
than a surface view would indicate, was a deep
aversion to the Liberal policy in Egypt and in the
Sudan, which resulted in a loss of thousands of
lives, and added twenty millions sterling to the
budget. A fourth cause is found in the theory of
" Fair Trade " as opposed to " Free Trade." Great
distress prevails in the manufacturing districts,
and many operatives were carried away in the hope

214

Democracy in England

that there might be some virtue in the fair trade
idea. Thus the Liberals fought at enormous disad-
vantage in the towns, and lost a great many seats
which are safe for them under normal conditions.

Turning to the country districts, the reverse is
found. All that the most advanced Radical hoped
for has been accomplished, and more. The en-
franchised voters have turned upon their former
oppressors, the parson and the squire, and their
class, and have driven them from the field. The
new Parliament will differ from other Parliaments
in nothing so much as this : that the members from
the country are Eadical instead of being Tory
magnates as hitherto. The gains in the counties
have equalized the losses in the towns, and all to
the advantage of the Radical wing of the Liberal
party. Left to struggle with the Tories alone, Mr.
Gladstone and his followers would have had a
triumphant majority, and been able to carry the
Liberal program complete. But here comes in the
most important factor of all. As Richelieu says to
the king, of Cromwell, "A great man has arisen in
England " — Parnell. His triumph is complete. He
holds both parties at his mercy. The scales of
power are in his hand. In presence of this great
fact speculation concerning the Radical pro-
gram is vain. The question of Ireland over-
shadows all. Nothing else will be heard of. Not
even the reform of the rules of procedure of
the House, which is a crying necessity, can be
accomplished except by arrangement with the
" uncrowned King of Ireland." The natural course

215

Democracy in England

would be an alliance between Mr. Gladstone and
Mr. Parnell, when probably a few of the Whigs —
Goschen and Hartington — would go sulking to
their tents. Eosebery and Harcourt, and even
Granville, if he does not finally retire, which is
probable, may be depended upon, however, to re-
main with the advanced wing, which is headed by
Chamberlain, Morley, Dilke, and Trevelyan. Even
with this alliance it is probable that an appeal
would have to be made to the country next year
upon the one vital question of Home Rule for
Ireland; and as the Liberals would then have the
Irish vote, the result could not be doubtful.

But neither Mr. Gladstone nor the Marquis of
Salisbury, not even Parnell, nor any other man,
can tell what combination the kaleidoscope of
British politics is to form during the next sixty
days. It is useless, therefore, for me to speculate
further upon it. This much, however, is certain :
The democracy are in power, and their measures
will be carried, if not this session, then in some
early Parliament. And included in these will be
Home Eule for Ireland, with rights similar to those
enjoyed by the States of the American Union — a
further imitation of her giant child by the mother-
land. When this great question is settled, but not
till then, the Radical program of further demo-
cratic reforms will be in order.

The most important consideration of all is the
future attitude of Great Britain toward other na-
tions. Is the British democracy to be pacific or
belligerent ? Is Britain to continue to embroil her-

2 16

Democracy in England

self in wars in all parts of the world ? Is she to
maintain her costly and useless interferences in
the quarrels of Europe? I think not. I believe
that the British democracy is to be pacific, and
that the American doctrine of non-intervention
will commend itself to it. Britain will be more
and more inclined to follow the example of America
in regard to foreign affairs, as she has done in home
affairs. " Friendship with all, entangling alliances
with none," is to become the common platform of
the democracy on both sides of the Atlantic. I
believe, further, that it will not be long ere both
parties in Britain will pledge themselves, as both
parties here have done, to offer arbitration for the
settlement of international disputes before drawing
the sword. In short, Herbert Spencer's great law
will be further vindicated : " As power is held arbi-
trarily by king or chief the military type is devel-
oped, and wars of dynasties and aggression ensue.
As power passes to the people the industrial type is
developed, and peace ensues."

In all this we see the unceasing movement of the
various divisions of the English-speaking race
throughout the world to assimilate their political
institutions, each division taking that which the
others have proved to be best. English law is al-
ready universal; the decisions of the Supreme
Court of Washington are quoted wherever our lan-
guage is spoken. Religion, too, may be said, in a
broad sense, to be universal. Our speech is also
the tongue of a hundred million Anglo-Saxons;
our literature is also the same, and political insti-

217

Democracy in England

tutions are rapidly becoming assimilated. The
world is soon to see this community of language,
religion, and political forms merge into the great
Anglo-Saxon democracy. The child now lives who
will see every English-speaking community living
under institutions founded upon the extremest view
of the rights of man, as formulated in our Declara-
tion of Independence, without a vestige of privi-
lege from birth, without king or aristocracy, with-
out united church and state, without great standing
armies, unhampered by primogeniture and entail,
with equal electoral privileges and equal districts.
In short, with only such slight variations of laws as
are necessary to adjust them to differing conditions
and climates, the various divisions of the English
race will live in peaceful brotherhood, each govern-
ing itself as a free and independent nation, but
held to the others with bonds stronger than those
of conquest, feudal dependency, or colonial rela-
tionship, and ready to help one another in need.
This is the ideal federation of the English-speaking
people of the world. It is also the only one possible
or desirable.

The great parent land, it is true, lags behind at
present. It is characteristic of her to be slow ; but
it is no less characteristic of her that what she
once sets her hand to do, that she accomplishes.
Twenty years' reign of the people will place her
abreast of the most advanced of her children, and
twenty years more may restore to her the political
leadership of the world.

2l8

HOME RULE IN AMERICA

Address before the Glasgow Junior Liberal Association

St. Andrew's Halls, Glasgow, September 13, 1887

From the "Scottish Leader," September, 1887

HOME RULE IN AMERICA

MR. PRESIDENT, Ladies, and Gentlemen:
I have first to thank the officers of the
Junior Liberal Association for giving me the great
privilege of standing before a vast audience of my
fellow-countrymen here in the second city of the
Empire, in that city which has done more than
any other city to draw closer the two branches of
the great English-speaking race, my native and
my adopted land. The great ships which you are
sending forth every year to ply to and fro across the
Atlantic are shuttles weaving a glorious web be-
tween the two nations. Already we have spelled out
in the glorious pattern international arbitration,
and there is yet to .come, as we draw closer and
closer together, eternal friendship and good will.

The recent appointment of a commission to set-
tle the fisheries dispute proves once more that
never henceforth is a drop of blood of one branch
of the race to be shed by the other branch. And,
in speaking of that Fisheries Commission, permit
me to say that I, for one, and I believe all Liberals

221

Home Rule in America

and all British people, were rejoiced that a man
like Mr. Chamberlain should have found a position
in which he can do more good to his country than
in any which he could find at home. It is a great
work, this upon which he has embarked. I know
that the "Pall Mall" represents him as a Jonah
thrown overboard to the fishes, but I trust that he
too, like Jonah, will return from the excursion
wholly uninjured, with increased reputation, and
able to boast that he has done something which
no other traveler has ever done.

When I accepted the invitation to deliver a
political address before this audience, I stated that
it would be unbecoming in me to enter into the
quarrels — the temporary and passing quarrels —
which, unfortunately, have existed in the Liberal
party, but which, I am happy to say, between the
date of my acceptance and the date of my appear-
ance, have largely vanished into thin air. The
recent elections did not show much of a schism in
the Liberal party, and therefore I approach the
subject of Home Rule in America to-night, feeling
that I in nowise become a party to the dissatisfac-
tions and to the jealousies which have existed among
you. For I tell you this : be he. Liberal Gladstonian,
be he Liberal Unionist, be he Conservative, or be
he Tory, — I believe I have described all the vari-
ations, — in the soul of every honest and fair and
patriotic citizen of this great land there lies like a
weight the conviction that, whatever may come, the
present condition of affairs in Ireland must cease.
You must no longer disgrace the English name,

222

Home Rule in America

and make us blush in America for the land of our
fathers — the land that has been the pioneer of
liberty. The mother of nations must no longer
stand before the world confessing that at her own
doors, in a part of her own empire, she is unable to
found just laws which commend themselves to the
public sentiment of the governed. Home Rule is
certain, and therefore I enter upon no disputed
question when I venture to lay before you the
phase of Home Rule which we have in America,
hoping that when your bill is prepared, you may
find some hints there which may be of use to you
in solving this great and pressing question.

Now, gentlemen, it will be necessary for me to
say a few words upon the American Constitution.
"What is it ? I will tell you upon what it is founded.
It is founded upon your own Constitution, and it
is largely the work of a Scotsman. I appeal to any
scholar here, to any man who has read the pro-
ceedings antecedent to the adoption of the Consti-
tution. I ask you to read the " Federalist," and you
will find that the draft of the American Consti-
tution submitted by Alexander Hamilton was
adopted, with very few amendments, and is to-day
that Constitution. I do not think that will cause
it to be less favorably considered before a Glasgow
audience. "Well, the eulogies of that Constitution
have been so great and so many, recently, that I
will not trouble you with quotations ; but in the
works of Matthew Arnold, Froude, Freeman,
Dicey, and last, but not least, Mackenzie, a Scots-
man who has written a wonderful history of

223

Home Rule in America

America, — a Dundee man, I believe, — and Sir
Henry Mayne, you can read pages of eulogy which,
as an American, my modesty will not permit me
to repeat. I will, however, venture to quote from
the leaders of your two parties, that you may see
how they corroborate the views expressed by these
writers.

My Lord Salisbury has said : " The Americans
have a Supreme Court which gives a stability to
their institutions, for which we look here in vain ;
the Americans have a Senate wonderful in its
power and efficiency; would that we could have
such a second chamber here ! " I will tell Lord
Salisbury how he can have it. There is no patent
for its exclusive use — and there is only one way
of getting anything good in a nation. The United
States Senate springs from the people. There is
not the poison of hereditary privilege in its veins,
and that is what makes it so powerful and wonder-
ful in its strength and efficiency ; and if my friend
Lord Rosebery, when he brings in his bill to reform
the House of Lords, which he has promised, can
only persuade Lord Salisbury to agree to exclude
the hereditary poison, why, then you can get a
Senate chamber equal to the American in strength
and efficiency. You cannot get it any other way,
and unless this is conceded, Lord Rosebery will
find that his only safety lies in taking the advice
Hamlet gave to the players : "Reform it altogether."
Well, now, a greater man than Lord Salisbury — do
not cheer; I am not going to give the name, but
when I mentioned the name in Edinburgh, all the

224.

Home Rule in America

audience jumped to their feet and cheered, and I
enjoyed it very much. As I said, a greater author-
ity than Lord Salisbury, and one who has done
a great deal more in improving constitutions,
has pronounced the American Constitution the
most wonderful work ever struck off at one time
by the brain and purpose of man. I do not know
whether Mr. Gladstone, being a Scotsman, may
not be a little partial to the work of a Scotsman
like Alexander Hamilton, but these are his words.
The day after to-morrow there will assemble in the
city of Philadelphia representatives from all parts
of the United States, with the judges of the Su-
preme Court and the President at their head, to
celebrate the centenary of the adoption of the Con-
stitution. The Constitution, a hundred years ago,
was adopted- by a population of three millions which
fringed the Atlantic coast. To-day it holds peace-
ful sway over the majority of the English-speak-
ing race — more English-speaking people than all
Great Britain, and all her colonies, even were the
latter doubled in population; and although this
branch of the British people has extended from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, and southward from the
coast of Maine to the Gulf of Mexico, they have
not outrun the benefits or the protection of that
Constitution.

Let me now describe that Constitution to you.
The government of the United States, under the
Constitution, is divided into three departments —
the legislative, the executive, and the judicial. The
Legislature consists of two houses — a House of
15 225

Home Rule in America

Bepresentatives, elected for two years by a direct
vote of the people ; and a Senate, composed of two
senators from each of the thirty-eight States, elected
for six years by the State Legislature, but so elected
that every two years one third of the entire body
retires to the people to seek reelection and have
the chance of being displaced by worthier servants.
These representatives receive as a compensation
for their services one thousand pounds each, per
annum. They sit from ten o'clock in the morning
till four o'clock in the afternoon, and having paid for
the services of these gentlemen, the nation exacts
regular attendance. It exacts their abilities and
attention when these are fresh, and it would not
tolerate for a moment one hundred and sixty-eight
barristers, as in your present Parliament, who do
all their work in the daytime and come to you to
muddle your business at night. I have sat a great
deal in your House of Commons. It is largely a
debating club for the display of vanity, and it is no
longer a sober, thoughtful legislative chamber. It
never will be, as long as its members consider that
they give you a gentlemanly class that condescends
to serve you in Parliament. Your legislators are
always your masters here, but in America they are
our paid servants.

Tou know that celebrated story of a gentleman
who lost a great deal of money by a false play at
whist on the part of his partner. He scolded him,
and the matter was referred to the leading expert
of the whist club. The question was this: Could
a man make such a stupid play as that which was

226

Home Rule in America

described ? And the decision of the referee was that
he thought he might — after dinner. That is one
point not embraced in Home Rule — but I mention
it incidentally.

"Well, then, the power of the two houses of Par-
liament is very much akin to your own in one re-
spect. As far as the House of Representatives is
concerned, they have the power of the purse, but
the Senate of the United States is of equal power
with the House. No act becomes an act without
its approval. No treaty can be signed by the Presi-
dent, no appointment made of a petty postmaster,
no appointment of an ambassador or minister or
agent, without the consent and vote and approval
of the most august legislative assembly in this
world — the American Senate. There is where we
hold our chief ruler. The President must carry
with him that body of senators. We have our
executive in the President. "We make our king
every four years, and we pay him a tremendous
salary. I suppose all you people would grudge it
for a crowned head. "We pay him ten thousand
pounds per annum, and we have nothing to do with
his brothers and his sisters and his cousins and his
aunts. And at the end of four years, if we do not
like him, we put him down and elect another one.
My fellow-countrymen, I would like you to cast
your eye over the list of American Presidents and
compare them for the last hundred years with cer-
tain individuals that you have been cursed with on
your throne. Compare them, man for man, and
see where you will land. This President nominates

227

Home Rule in America

his Cabinet ; but, mark you, not a man is a member
of his Cabinet until the Senate says, " Approved."
He may dismiss them, but when he nominates
others, every new man must go through that ordeal
before he becomes a member of the Cabinet.

The President is not only the first civil magis-
trate: he is the first military magistrate. We
bring the civil power right where we want the civil
power to be — at the head ; and we put the military
power where the military power ought always to
be — at the foot. The President of the United
States is the commander-in-chief of the army and
of the navy, and of the military forces of the States
when he chooses to call them into service. This is
no shadowy power. When General Grant was at
the top of his fame, it was rumored that he was
about to conclude a convention with General Lee
which touched upon the policy to be pursued ; and
I saw the telegram which President Lincoln wrote
with his own hand : " To Majob-Geneeal Geant,
near Richmond, Virginia : You will hold no con-
ventions with General Lee except for the capitula-
tion of his army. You will not confer, nor discuss,
nor conclude any question of any political import
whatever. The President holds these questions in
his own hands, and he will not submit them to any
military conference whatever." That is the kind
of power we give our President, and we hold him
responsible for the exercise of that power, and at
the end of four years he gives us an account of his
stewardship. At his call to-day seven millions of
men capable of bearing arms, accustomed to bear

228

Home Rule in America

arms, and only too ready to bear arms in defense
of the Union, would stand forth. But two years
from now that President would be one of the
seven millions shouldering his musket in the
ranks.

Now, then, our Cabinet does not appear in our
House of Congress. They make written commu-
nications. They answer all questions which either
House requires, but they do not deliberate with the
House, because the American people are most jeal-
ous of any interference between the legislative and
the executive. Now, to regulate all the rights of
these people, the Supreme Court, the object of Lord
Salisbury's admiration, has been created. It con-
sists of nine judges. They receive two thousand
pounds a year each for their services, and the
Chief Justice of the United States receives one
hundred pounds more than his fellows. He passed
through your country the year before last, the head
of the American government in one sense, because
the court is above the President, as it interprets
the acts of Congress, and is the arbiter of the com-
munity. He passed along unnoticed. The aris-
tocracy and the court paid no attention to the
Chief Judge of the United States. That is very
much to be wondered at, because Buffalo Bill had
not then arrived. But when your Chief Justice
visited America, he was received as became a man
in his position. The President of the United States
received him, the cities received him, and he was
everywhere entertained in a manner which, I trust,
some future day, the Chief Justice of the United

229

Home Rule in America

States may experience when he visits this country
when the democrats are in power.

This Supreme Court has a veto on all laws passed
by the House, the Senate, and the President. It
does not make a particle of difference if the House
of Representatives pass a law, and if the Senate
pass it, and if the President approve it, any man
can make an issue and appeal to the Supreme
Court, "Is that law constitutional?" If it is de-
cided to be unconstitutional it is waste paper. But
great as are the powers which our Supreme Court
possesses, remember the Supreme Court can start
no issue. It can only decide issues which are
brought before it, so that it is only when the law
would work injustice or create popular discontent
that the Supreme Court is appealed to at all.
Now, then, having briefly described to you the three
departments of the American government, allow
me to say that the Supreme Judges remain for life,
subject to removal by the President and Cabinet
for misbehavior or inability to serve.

Now, then, we come to the great question, How is
it possible that not only one nation but thirty-
eight nations — thirty-eight States covering a con-
tinent almost as big as Europe — how are their leg-
islative and political matters managed ? In no way
is that possible but by Home Eule. Let me show
you how deep down the principle of Home Eule
goes and how far it extends, how wide-spread it is
under this American system. The land of America
is divided by government surveyors — and you
will understand that I speak now not of the small

230

Home Rule in America

Atlantic States which were divided before the Con-
stitution was adopted, but of the great West and
Northwest in which the majority of the American
people dwell. It was divided into six mile-squares.
These are called townships, and a few settlers make
up a township. By and by they feel the want of
roads, they feel the want of everything, and they
decide to have a meeting. Now, here is a record of
a meeting of a similar character to that which has
created thousands and thousands and thousands
of councils. Tou will see it is most interesting.
Just listen to where Home Rule begins ; see its be-
ginnings — its roots. It always reminds me of that
beautiful poem of Ballantine's about the brook
when

It dropped from a gray rock
Upon a mossy stone.

Yes, away up there — that is where the Home
Rule stream starts. Here is what you find. Here
is the township of Burlington, in Calhoun County,
Michigan. " Organized in 1837, and held its first
township meeting April 3 of that year, electing
Justus Goodwin, supervisor ; O. C. Freeman, town
clerk; Justus Goodwin, Gibesia Sanders, and
Moses S. Gleason, justices of the peace; Leon
Haughtailing, constable and collector." That is the
German element, you see, coming into America.
"Established six road districts ; voted one hundred
dollars to build a bridge across the St. Joseph
River and fifty dollars for bridging Nottawa Creek;
voted 'fifty dollars for common schools." Ah,

231

Home Rule in America

gentlemen, that is a vote ! Fifty dollars ! The
first meeting of a few stragglers in the Western
wilderness, and the first thing they do is to vote
fifty dollars for common schools to educate all
their children free of price. Now you are getting at
the roots of democracy, gentlemen. But that
meeting did another thing. It voted five dollars
for wolf-scalps. That throws a great light upon
the situation when the wolves were so numerous
that they gave a pound premium for every scalp that
was brought in. Well, now, that is a beautiful
picture of Home Rule. There was no superior
officer there. They made themselves and created
themselves into a political community. It was
universal suffrage — there was no privilege. I do
not find anything about who Leon Haughtailing
was, or where or when he was born, or who was
his grandfather; he was elected, not because he
was the richest man, but because his fellow-citizens
thought him the best man at their command.
That is the first meeting of the little township of
six miles. By and by other settlers come into the
neighborhood and form other squares; and they
hold similar meetings, and they vote for common
schools. In the course of time fifteen or twenty
communities have been created, and they combine.
They find that they have not good enough school
accommodation for each township, and that they
cannot have a court-house and all the provisions
for government upon so small an area ; and they
say, Let fifteen or twenty of us townships combine
and send representatives elected by universal

232

Home Rule in America

suffrage in proportion to our population. A con-
vention is created for the county, and they go
forward and elect county officers in the manner
in which they elected their township officers,
and they elect their judges. And I have sufficient
faith in the democracy to say, Give me the
judge elected by the people. No community in
America that has ever tried the experiment has
regretted it. I tell you the democracy is most
interested in the purity of its judges. It is the
poor man, the working-man, who is interested in
his judges. And as all humanity has its bias, I
tell you frankly that your gentlemen have the
prejudices of the gentleman class, and your newly
made baronets have the prejudices of the aristo-
cracy worse than any old baronets, and your
newly made lords are a disgrace to Mr. Gladstone.
Well, the county goes forward — the second and
larger circle of Home Rule. Observe, now, there
is not what we might call a foreign element.
There is no outside element, but all an outgrowth
from the democracy itself. There is no divine
right about it. It is a healthy, grand, glorious
growth of the body politic itself. Very well, then ;
the county gets a little too small for their growing
life. They want railroads, churches, halls. They
want everything that a civilized people wants.
They want everything that is good, and they get
everything that is good, so far as human nature
can get perfection. Twenty or thirty of these
counties conclude that they will make a State, and
they elect officers by a convention as in the case

233

Home Rule in America

of townships and counties, and they meet and estab-
lish a capital, about the center of the proposed
State generally. They elect a governor and a
House of Eepresentatives, and the State Legisla-
ture is composed of two houses, one called the
House of Representatives, and the other called
the State Senate. The word " Congress " is never
used except when the national meeting at Wash-
ington is meant. The word " Congress " is sacred
to the great central power, as I trust that in the great
Home Rule Bill the word "Parliament" will be
sacred to that great body which will meet at West-
minster and attend to international affairs. Well,
now, gentlemen, the State is born in that way.
Every State has its own governor ; it has its own
militia, its own courts, and its own judges, and it
manages its own taxation. It does everything that
a State can do, everything that pertains to the
State itself. That is a very, very broad platform
of Home Rule; but the broader you make the
Home Rule principle, always provided that it is
subordinate to the national or federal principle,
the better for the rulers, and the better for the
people themselves.

Well, then, the several States, as you are aware,
banded together and formed the nation. There
were thirteen of them originally. The States
being, as you know, before the general govern-
ment, the people of America gave the general
government certain delegated powers, and a com-
prehensive clause of the Constitution says that all
powers not expressly delegated are retained by the

234

Home Rule in America

States themselves. That is the principle of Home
Rule in America. The national government is
the sun of our system, and round the government
the States revolve, each one on its own axis, some
at one angle, some at another, all State commu-
nities governing their own affairs in the way that
seems best to them. And therefore it is impossible
you can ever have a State revolution in America,
any more than it is possible for a man to turn and
rend himself. The State Constitution is part and
parcel of its people. It is their own work; they
made it, and if they do not like it they can
mend it.

Now, then, will you permit me, having sketched
the American Constitution to you, to apply its pro-
visions to the case of Home Rule at home ? And
in doing so you will all clearly understand that I
do not represent anybody but myself. I bind no-
body. The Liberal party — Gladstonian — is not
responsible for what I describe as the operations of
the American Constitution; and the Unionist is
not responsible; and no Tory or Conservative may
be alarmed upon the head of his responsibility for
anything which I say. Now, theu, if we were to
deal with the Home Rule question, — taking this
great Constitution for our guide, — I will mention
in rotation four points, and just tell you how we
would settle them — and we would settle them.
When the democracy of America puts its foot
down it stays there. The first condition is the
supremacy of the national Parliament. I do not
like the word " imperial." You may have an empire

235

Home Rule in America

soon enough. You have very nearly an Empress
now, and when you get an Emperor you can use
" imperial," but I prefer " national." Well, it goes
without saying that when two men ride a horse one
must ride behind. There must be no mistake about
the powers in the general government. I will not
say whether the recent bill introduced was faulty
or not in its expression of that power. Unionists
may contend that it was, and they have the highest
possible authority for thinking the words were un-
fortunately vague. But of this I have not the
slightest doubt, that it never entered into the brain
of any man that any assembly given to Ireland or
Scotland would not have to bow before the national
assembly — the Parliament. The American Con-
stitution provides this : " This Constitution, and the
acts under it passed by the national government,
as interpreted by the Supreme Court, are the su-
preme laws of the land, anything in the State laws
or State constitutions to the contrary notwithstand-
ing." And if I were called on to settle the Home
Eule question, that is the language I would put
into the fnew bill. Mind you, that power being
there, it has never to be exercised. It has only been
exercised once in a hundred years upon an impor-
tant issue, and that issue was one which no human
constitution, nor all the human powers on earth,
could have averted. The man or nation that tries
to bind together in harmonious development free-
dom and human slavery has attempted the impos-
sible, and when the great democratic forces came
face to face, in the development of that country,

236

Home Rule in America

with the slave power, which disputed its rights, one
or the other had to fall ; and you know which one
fell. You might as well try to bind democracy and
privilege. The two are antagonistic forces; and
I believe the " Scotsman " newspaper of the 16th of
August, in an editorial on the Northwich election,
used the most significant words I have heard since
I took up my residence among you. " Democracy
means " — I quote the " Scotsman " — " Democracy
means, and rightly means, that privilege shall
cease."

Well, now, after what had been said about the
supremacy of the national government, I ask any
Unionist here to consider in his mind to-night
whether he has the shadow of a fear that that will
not be provided for in the new bill. Has not Mr.
Gladstone said, "All parliaments, all assemblies,
with statutory powers, are necessarily subordinate
to their creator, and I have no objection to name
the delegated powers." Now, then, when he names
the delegated powers, he will follow the American
Constitution.

The other point on which great stress is laid, and
laid rightly, in my opinion and in the opinion of
the American Constitution, is the question of the
continued representation of Ireland in the national
assembly. Well, gentlemen, a great deal has been
said in this controversy about American opinion.
I have asked hundreds of Americans — and you
have got some intelligent Americans, no doubt, in
Glasgow; ask their opinion yourselves. There is
not an American living that will not answer this

237

Home Rule in America

question as every one has answered to me : "Would
you agree that the State of Virginia should have a
Legislature of its own, and be absolved from the
duty of sending representatives to the national
Congress at "Washington to deliberate equally with
all other representatives, and hence be bound
equally with the others for all its acts ? " And the
reply is, " Never." And with the new bill I would
say to any Unionists, — because I am most anxious
to restore the harmony of the Liberal party, —
" Gentlemen, you have a hard enough fight before
you; you have many measures, the adoption of
which lies deep at your heart ; you need every vote
and every influence at your command for this cam-
paign." Very well, I ask any Unionist to-night to
consider whether he has the slightest doubt but
that the representatives of Ireland and Scotland
will continue to be sent to the imperial Parliament
at Westminster. I do not see how he can have a
doubt. I had my doubts when the bill was cabled
across the Atlantic. I could see that point clearly
myself, and I took prompt measures to point out to
friends here what I thought was the weak point in
that bill. But, gentlemen, I thought I could do
most good within the party. I have known what
Mr. Gladstone has already done. There is no man
living can carry reforms as he can, and if his life be
spared, he will, I am satisfied, — I will not say I
am satisfied ; I know, because he has said it, that
he will, — deal with this question without touching
the question of Irish representation.
We come to the third point — Ulster. Now I am
2 3 8

Home Rule in America

going to apply the American Constitution to Ulster,
and I tell yon it is not without force in Ulster or in
any part of Ireland. They will not seek anything
beyond what the Americans give their States. If
they do, every son of an Irishman in America —
and there are a million of such — and every Ameri-
can will denounce the demand as something which
upon no consideration they themselves would ask,
and which every well-wisher of Great Britain prays
she never will give. As to Ulster, speaking as an
American Home Ruler, that is too trifling a subject
to talk about among statesmen. The province of
Ulster is very nearly Nationalist, and divided by
the aggregate of the poll, it is Nationalist to-day.
I reject with contempt and indignation the attempt,
in this nineteenth century, to stir up sectarian jeal-
ousy. You know, and I know, what Scotland has
done for civil and religious liberty. If there be
any body of Protestant Irishmen who wish to keep
themselves apart and nurse those bitter hatreds,
those feuds that give rise to disturbance of the
peace — if they want to do that, I am against them ;
and if there be any body of Catholics that wish to
nurture such feuds, and keep themselves apart from
their Protestant fellow-citizens, I am against them
also. There is no difficulty about Ulster. When-
ever you give Ireland Home Eule you will stir up
a patriotic flame. And they will all be Irishmen
first, and Ulster men and Tipperary men afterward,
and the presence of Catholics and Protestants
meeting in an assembly laboring for the national
good will soften a.11 asperities and make them un-

239

Home Rule in America

derstand each, other better than they have hitherto
done. The question of Ulster will settle itself.
Left to a plebiscite of the Ulster people, you will
hardly find a man that will not say, " Let us go with
our country"; and I would not respect the man
that did not say so, were he a hundred times a
Protestant of the Protestants. That is not the
Protestant religion. It is founded on private judg-
ment and free thought, and the Irish Protestants
have much to learn yet as to the fundamental prin-
ciples of the faith of which they would boldly stand
forth as the main adherents.

I now come to the fourth point. You will notice
I am following the four contentions of the Union-
ists. Do not laugh at the Unionists. Let me tell
you there were reasons for their contentions, much
as I differ with them as to the mode which they
took to enforce them. I think the Unionists within
the councils of the Liberal party would have been
much more powerful — I know the representatives
of the Unionists in Parliament would have been
more powerful — if they had labored within the
lines of the party under the banner of the only pos-
sible chief; but the Unionists whom I have met
and wrestled with have always told me, " Mr. Glad-
stone is all wrong." I will tell you a story in point.
Henry Clay was the most popular man America
had. Well, he voted against his constituents upon
the slavery question, which was the only burning
question of the time, and he offered himself for re-
election. There was not a ghost of a chance of
his being returned to Washingtonf any more than

24O

Home Rule in America

there is of any Unionist being returned to the next
Parliament. Well, Henry Clay saw that there was
no use in conducting his canvass if he stood up to
defend what he had done, so he went before the
farmers of Kentucky and made one speech all over
the State, " Now, boys," he said, " you have all got
good, trusty rifles. Think of the game your rifle
has brought down. Did your rifle ever miss fire ?
I have shot a good deal, and my rifle missed fire
now and then. Did you on that account throw it
away, or did you pick it up and try it again ? "
There was no resisting such an appeal, and Clay
was reelected by the greatest majority he ever re-
ceived. Now, admitting all that the most consci-
entious or contentious Unionist has to say, I think
if he has much of human nature in him, much of
gratitude for past services, much of admiration for
the noblest political career, he will pick up that old
rifle — Gladstone. Just let the old man have an-
other shot. I will wager ten to one he will bring
down the game. I will tell you another thing : I
know your public men pretty well, but I do not be-
lieve you have got a rifle in the whole army, in the
whole state, in the whole House of Parliament, that
can bring down this game like Mr. Gladstone. Now,
then, I come to the judicial question. We want to
be thorough, the Tories say. We are not thorough
when we oppress the people and thrust laws upon
them which they do not want-, we are only thorough
when we go to the root of popular dissatisfaction
and make our laws just. Now, the American States
elect their own judges, who determine all issues be-
16 24.I

Home Rule in America

tween the citizens of the same State. A Pennsyl-
vanian has the right to be tried by the courts of
Pennsylvania, and to have his case decided by his
fellow-citizen — the judge whose character he knows
and trusts. There is no appeal beyond the Supreme
Court of Pennsylvania in an issue pertaining to
Pennsylvania ; but, under the national Constitution,
any issue between men of different States may be
proceeded with in the courts of the United States.
The Supreme Court of the United States sits at
Washington, but it has judges in each district of
the country. Sometimes one State will have one
federal judge, sometimes two. Pennsylvania has
two, one at Pittsburg and the other at Philadelphia,
three hundred and fifty miles apart. That is mat-
ter of arrangement, and you can there have an ap-
peal to the United States Court. Apply that to
Ireland. In the first place, Irish judges already
exist, and they will be retained. It is not likely a
good judge would be dismissed. Therefore I think
the Irish executive would take over the Irish judges.
It is a prima facie case that a judge is a good judge
unless he can be proved bad. It will be for the
Irish executive to reappoint or choose their own
judges. "What I want to point out to you is that if
you pay regard to the lesson of Home Eule in
America, you will allow the Irish Assembly to ap-
point Irish judges and to determine Irish affairs ;
and you will hold, of course, through the delegated
powers, the right, in any issues of an international
character, to appeal from these courts to the impe-
rial power, such an appeal as every Scotchman has

242

Home Rule in America

now to the judicial lords of the House of Lords.
Now, that would settle the judicial question ; but if
you are going to give Ireland Home Rule, and with-
hold from her or from Scotland, when she gets Home
Eule, as I trust she soon will, the control of the
highest function, and the very essential of all gov-
ernment, — namely, the right to execute justice and
administer the laws among her own citizens, — you
are going to give them a mockery ; you are going
to play " Hamlet " with Hamlet left out, and you
will have the Irish question upon you again and
again in worse forms than it is now.

You must make the judicial power in Ireland
respected in Ireland, and you cannot do that unless
it derives its powers from the Irish government.
I do not profess that the Liberal party has quite
clearly sounded this note, but I trust the democracy
will watch with clear eye the clause giving judiciary
powers to Ireland. You cannot give Home Eule to
Ireland if you take from the government the power
to enforce its decrees; you may as well bind the
government, Mazeppa-like, on a wild horse, without
whip, spur, or bridle, and expect peace and good
government and loyalty in Ireland if you deny to
the Irish executive the highest of all political func-
tions — the administration of law and the mainte-
nance of peace and order. So says the American
Constitution.

Now, I will touch upon one point — the land
question. Every State of the American Union
has a right to make a kirk or a mill of its land if it
pleases. It is its owe. If the soil of a nation is

243

Home Rule in America

not the property of that nation, and if you are not
going to allow Ireland to manage its own land,
what are you going to allow it to manage? The
land question is at the foundation of everything in
the State, and you find that the Land Bill is dis-
carded — rightly so, and Mr. Gladstone has said
that the sands have run for the landlords. That
is too good to believe. I doubt even Mr. Glad-
stone's power to make a bill as it ought to be in
regard to land, because in the Liberal councils you
have lots of Irish landlords. Lord Hartington is a
large Irish landlord with a rental of thirty thou-
sand pounds a year. I know he is a sincere and
honest man, but I know Burns says that

When self the wavering balance shakes,
It 's rarely richt adjusted.

No man should sit as a judge in its own cause, and
in America no man who is directly interested in an
act of Legislature can constitutionally vote upon
it. I am afraid you will have to buy out the land-
lords before you get done with them. The poor
democracy, the toiling millions of Great Britain,
will be mulcted in an enormous sum. Many mem-
bers of Parliament are interested in land, and
there is that tone in society which seems to say
that property in land is different from property in
everything else, because for hundreds of years the
land has been held up by infamous laws to main-
tain a class of people who, if left to the free com-
petition of economic forces, would go down in the
struggle for existence.

244

Home Rule in America

Well, what is the solution of the land question ?
It is a very easy one. Let it alone ; let the Irish
executive settle with the Irish landlords. The
democracy has never been anything but generous
in its acts, and it will be generous to the Irish
landlords when upon their executive is placed the
responsibility of settling with them — if it decides
to buy the land at all. I am not in favor of the
executive of Ireland touching the land of Ireland,
or of the executive of Great Britain touching the
land of Great Britain. Let me give a hint to the
democracy. You are past the days of unearned
increment, and upon the days of earned decrement,
and any man foolish enough to counsel the people
of Great Britain to take over the land 'to-day in a
falling market may have his own interest at heart,
but he cannot have yours. It is said that the people
of Ireland will not do justice to the landlords.
No, I hope not. In my wildest and most vindictive
moments I have never yet gone so far as to wish
that the Irish landlords had justice. No; let us
remember that mercy should in that case season
justice. But they will get generous treatment,
and the democracy of Great Britain can be ab-
solved from all trouble with the land of Ireland
if they strengthen Mr. Gladstone's hands, and tell
him in unmistakable tones that there are a great
many things the democracy of this country will
do, and a great many things they will suffer, but,
as the Lord helps them, they will never be found
on the side of Irish landlords as against Irish
tenants, or pay one penny toward buying their land.

2+5

Home Rule in America

There may be some exceedingly patriotic men
here who have been saying in their hearts, " We do
not want to Americanize our institutions.' Why
not ? The Americans have taken from you every-
thing they could lay their hands upon. They have
taken your Constitution and bettered it ; they have
taken your literature, your laws ; they have taken
your language, and if you would take from
America everything that America has to give you,
or everything that America ever will have to give
you, there would remain a huge, incalculable balance
yet left in favor of the parent land. Why should
you not take things from your child if you know
they are for your good ? But your own colony of
Canada has practically the same Constitution, as far
as Home Rule is concerned. If there be any man
who forgets that America is your own child, let
him look to Canada — she is practically the same.
Do you think that the English-speaking race
throughout the world, with the same language, the
same traditions, — because all Americans claim
your traditions, — with the same literature, with
the same religion — do you think that it is in the
power of man to prevent all English-speaking
people ultimately, from having the same political
institutions ? I will not venture to say what the
political institutions of the English race may be
in the future. It may be that the "Scotsman"
is right, and that democracy means that privilege
shall die, and it may be that all English-speaking
people will range themselves together upon a plat-
form which develops the extremest rights of man,

246

Home Rule in America

and the political equality of the citizen. That is
possible. It may be possible, on the other hand,
you may say, that the majority of the English-
speaking race will turn its back upon this advanced
political development, and, seeking out some
prince, will go back and make him a perpetual
king, and make his children kings hereafter,
whether they be fools or idiots or not, and spend
hundreds of thousands of their hard-won earnings
every year to support the entire brood in vulgar
riot and ostentation ; and it may be that we will cre-
ate another aristocracy, and that I shall so far for-
get myself and my lineage, as the direct descendant
of weavers and shoemakers — glorious Radicals
some of them have been, who have gone to jail just
for attending such a meeting as was interrupted in
Ireland the other day! — it may be that I will forget
that and parade before you as a baronet. Then
you will say, " We don't know how we will treat
Mr. Carnegie coming to visit us ; he is not a noble-
man, and he has ceased to be a gentleman." But
whatever be the system of political institutions
adopted in the future, — you may have it either
way, — one point I venture to stand by, and that is
that the English-speaking race throughout the
world is to have the same institutions. If you can
adopt some of the provisions of the American
Constitution for this emergency, you will have
hastened by so much the day when your insti-
tutions shall be the same as the institutions of the
English-speaking race. How long will it take
after that assimilation is perfected before we have

247

Home Rule in America

a federal council that will forever render it im-
possible that the blood of the English-speaking
man can be shed by English-speaking man?
Where lies your greatest hope that your own race,
the dominant power of the world, shall coalesce
and form a union against which nothing on earth
shall stand ? In the assimilation of your institu-
tions. There lies the point. And where is the
hope of that great day which the poet sings of —

When the drum shall beat no longer, when the battle-
flags are furled,
In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World ?

It lies in that great beneficent principle of Home
Rule — Home Rule for each of the divisions, with
a central authority over all to keep them in order ;
and in that congregation of English-speaking peo-
ple, in that future Parliament — I know not how
many divisions, I know not what their size or
number, I know not their positions, but I know the
position of one power is fixed, immovable, per-
petual, and secure — that of this glorious little
island. There may be many children clustering
around her in that Parliament of Man ; there can
only be one mother. I say cursed be the arm and
withered the tongue of any man, wherever found,
who would strive to keep apart, by word or by
deed, those children from that mother.

248

DOES AMERICA HATE ENGLAND?

From the "Contemporary Review," November, 1897

DOES AMERICA HATE
ENGLAND?

THIS question has been much discussed of late
in Britain ; and the answer has generally been
given in the affirmative ; even the " Spectator," a
powerful and true friend of the Republic, has been
reluctantly driven to that side.

But the correct answer to this inquiry depends
upon what is meant by hatred ; for this may be of
two kinds — one deep, permanent, generally racial,
which creates hereditary antipathy and renders the
parties natural enemies ; the other only temporary
and skin-deep — indignation and resentment aroused
by specific questions, which pass with their settle-
ment, leaving no serious estrangement behind.

That several causes exist which must always
create more or less irritation in the United States
against Great Britain is obvious. The Canadian
question must always do so. Imagine Scotland
republican, owing allegiance to the United States,
and constantly proclaiming its readiness to attack

251

Does America Hate England?

Britain at their bidding. The industrial question
also has its effect. A score of articles " made in
Germany " are causing irritation in England. What
can a thousand articles " made in England " be ex-
pected to do in the United States? Industrial
competitors, and the workmen employed by them,
are very sensitive and easily irritated ; and in our
day, when every nation of the front rank aspires
to manufacture and produce for its own wants,
"Foreign Commerce" and "Free Trade" do not
always make for peace and good will among na-
tions, but the contrary. Nations are disposed to
resent industrial invasion, Free-Trade Britain not
less than Protective Germany.

But deeper than these causes of irritation there
does lie at the core of the national heart of the Re-
public a strong and ineradicable stratum of genuine
respect, admiration, and affection for the old home.
The pride of race is always there at the bottom —
latent, indeed, in quiet times, but decisively shown
in supreme moments when stirred by great issues
which affect the safety of the old home and involve
the race. The strongest sentiment in man, the real
motive which at the crisis determines his action
in international affairs, is racial. Upon this tree
grow the one language, one religion, one literature,
and one law which bind men together and make
them brothers in time of need as against men of
other races. This racial sentiment goes deeper and
reaches higher than questions of mere pecuniary im-
port, or of material interests. The most recent
proof that this pride of race exists in America in an

252

Does America Hate England?

intense degree was given, even at the very height
of the Venezuelan dispute, when it was suspected
that a combination of European Powers was be-
hind Germany's action in regard to the Transvaal,
which had for its aim the humiliation and ruin of
Britain, and was taking advantage of the family
quarrel to begin the partition of the possessions of
the only other member of our race. When the
plucky little island took up the challenge and pre-
pared without a moment's hesitation to meet the
world in arms, the American continent, from Maine
to California, might be said to have burst forth in
one wild cheer — a cheer which meant more than
prosaic people will believe, and more, perhaps, than
even the American knew who could not help the
uncontrollable outburst ; nor can one tell how far
this impulse, which he could not check, would lead
him when once in full swing. Senator Wolcott
only expressed in the Senate what the outside mil-
lions felt ; the average American just said to him-
self : " This is our own race ; this is what we do ; this
is how we do it. Of course we have some difference
of our own with her, and we do not intend to let
even our motherland light the torch of war upon
our continent; she must arbitrate all questions
concerning territory here — but this is a little fam-
ily matter between ourselves. It does not mean
that G-erman, Eussian, and Frenchman, or any for-
eigners, may combine to attack our race to its de-
struction, without counting us in. No, sir-ee."

No combination of other races is likely to esti-
mate at a tithe of its true value the strength of this

253

Does America Hate England?

sentiment throughout our race, or correctly to
gage how very much thicker than water our race-
blood will be found if it is ever brought to the
test.

The message which President McKinley sent to
Queen Victoria at her Jubilee was another evidence
of race pride, and was no mere formal effusion.
More men in the United Kingdom than in the
United States would hesitate to compliment and
praise her Majesty and sing " God Save the Queen "
with enthusiasm. She is universally recognized
there as the truest of the true friends of the Eepub-
lic, for she stood a friend when a friend was needed.

It is strange that such evidences of race unity
at bottom, and of genuine, cordial friendship, should
not outweigh some alleged lack of courtesy of ex-
pression in a message written by a President to his
own Congress or by a Secretary of State to his
own minister. Yet the " Spectator" concludes that
Americans hate England, and this opinion it bases
upon such trifles as these.

Much stress has been laid in the discussion upon
American school-books reciting the facts of Ameri-
can history ; this is held to make every American boy
and girl a hater of England. This is undoubtedly
true ; and the pity of it is that there is no possible
escape, for American history begins with the revolt
of the colonies and their struggle for the rights of
Britons. The Republic has never had a dangerous
foe except Britain, for the short campaign against
Mexico made no lasting impression upon the nation.
It is impossible to do otherwise than state the facts

2 54

Does America Hate England?

as they occurred ; and even if there were added the
further facts that some of the greatest and best of
British statesmen opposed the attempt to tax the
colonies even at that early day, and that now the
kindness and consideration with which Britain
reigns over her colonies gives an example to the
whole world, these things would make no impres-
sion upon children. The young American must
begin in our day as an intense hater of England ;
and this we must accept : generations will elapse
before it can be greatly modified.

On the other hand, it is impossible for any Ameri-
can to acquire further and more detailed knowledge
of the struggle for independence, of the later treat-
ment of her colonies by Britain, and of British
history and the part his race has played in the
Old World, without becoming her admirer, and,
should he have British blood in his veins, — which
most Americans can boast, — without being very
proud of his race. It is upon this foundation that
we have to build our hopes of closer union between
the old and the new lands. Englishmen and Hes-
sians fighting Washington must give place in the
minds of the young, as they grow older, to other
pictures in which Britain and America are seen
standing side by side, the two great pillars of
civil and religious liberty throughout the world, and
the sole members of our race. Later must come
the knowledge of Shakspere, Milton, Burns, and
Scott ; then the political history of England, Crom-
well, Sidney, Russell, Hampden, Chatham, Burke,
and the many others, until the young American

255

Does America Hate England?

learns that from Britain he has derived, not only
his language, but his laws, religion, and even his
free institutions ; and that the political institutions
of the two countries are similar — one crowned, the
other uncrowned, yet both republican, since in
both there is government of the people, for the
people, and by the people, which is the essence of
republicanism. This is the chief point which in-
fluences the ardent young politician, and gives the
old land at last a warm place in the heart of young
America. From this time on, the race sentiment
grows stronger and stronger in his heart as know-
ledge increases.

How different with the young Canadian and
Australian, who learn with their first lessons that
the rights of Britons have never been denied them,
and find in Britain the most generous, most illus-
trious, and kindest of mothers, whom they rever-
ence and love from the beginning. Such are the
opposite results of tender and proper regard for
colonies and dependencies, and of denial to them of
the rights and liberties enjoyed at home.

Whether at this day seeds of future hatred or
affection are being sown in the hearts of the mil-
lions to come in various parts of the world, should
be the vital question for statesmen engaged in
empire-building. What an expanding nation
would here do " highly, that should she holily," for
assuredly empire founded upon violent conquest,
conspiracy, or oppression, or upon any foundation
other than the sincere affection of the people em-
braced, can neither endure nor add to the power or

256

Does America Hate England?

glory of the conqueror, but prove a source of con-
tinual and increasing weakness and of shame.

While, in the opinion of the writer, there is no
deep-seated, bitter national hatred in the United
States against Britain, there is no question but there
has been recently a wave of resentment and indig-
nation at her conduct. This has sprung from two
questions :

First, Ambassador Pauncefote and Secretary of
State Blaine, years ago, agreed upon a settlement
of the Bering Sea question, and Lord Salisbury
telegraphed his congratulations, through Sir Julian
Pauncefote, to Mr. Blaine. The two nations were
jointly to police the seas and stop the barbarous
destruction of the female seals. Canada appeared
at Washington and demanded to see the President
of the United States upon the subject. Audience
was denied to the presumptuous colony ; neverthe-
less, her action forced Lord Salisbury to disavow
the treaty. No confidence here is violated, as Presi-
dent Harrison referred to the subject in a message
to Congress. Britain was informed that if she pre-
sumed to make treaties in which Canada was inter-
ested without her consent, she would not have
Canada very long. It will be remembered that
Canada took precisely the same position in regard
to international copyright. It is this long-desired
treaty-making power which Canada has recently
acquired for herself, at least as far as concerns fiscal
policy, so that she need no longer even consult her
suzerain. She can now appear at Washington and
insist upon being received when new tariff measures

257

Does America Hate England?

are desired, having suddenly become a " free, na-
tion," according to her Prime Minister. There
are surprises in store here for the indulgent
mother.

The repudiation of the Bering Sea settlement
aroused a deep feeling of resentment, not only
among the uninformed, but among the educated
class of Americans, who were and are Britain's best
friends; and this has been greatly embittered by
charges, commonly made in British publications,
that the United States has failed to adhere to the
findings of the Bering Sea tribunal. Nothing
could be more baseless than such a charge. The
tribunal decided that the United States were liable
for certain vessels seized which carried the British
flag, and payment was directed to be made, either
of a stated sum by mutual agreement, or, failing
this, of damages to be assessed by a commission.
The United States Secretary of State agreed to a
fixed sum with Ambassador Pauncefote, " subject
to an appropriation by Congress" — those are the
very words of the agreement. When the bill was
presented in Congress for an appropriation, the ex-
chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
Mr. Hitt, rose and stated that it had been discov-
ered that the fishing-boats in question were really
owned, to a great extent, by naturalized Americans.
Evidence had been found that a blacksmith in San
Francisco, a British subject, had been paid one hun-
dred dollars to take title to these boats, so that the
British flag could be prostituted to cover the killing
of the female seals, which was unlawful under

2 5 8

Does America Hate England?

American law. Only about one fifth of the amount
claimed was due to Canadians ; the remainder of the
claim belonged to naturalized Americans, who had
broken American laws by engaging in this nefari-
ous and unlawful traffic. Mr. Hitt asked that the
right of the Government, under the award, to have
these claims examined by a commission, be exer-
cised. Congress agreed to this, and the Commission
was promptly appointed and ratified by the Senate
unanimously. It is now sitting, and the result, we
venture to prophesy, will vindicate the contention
of the United States Government — viz., that a
fraud has been attempted. Yet many British
papers at intervals have repeated the charge that
the United States Government has been false to
its obligations under the Bering Sea award.
Charges of national dishonor — and such a charge
involves this — always cause intense bitterness.
Writers who make them falsely, as in this case,
have much to answer for.

Much offense has been taken in Britain at Secre-
tary Sherman's recent message about the destruc-
tion of the seals. It is said that he has not observed
the usual diplomatic reserve and courtesy. Granted ;
but had he not some excuse for plain speaking ? It
is stated that before Mr. Sherman's letter was writ-
ten — to his own minister, be it remembered, not to
the British Government — Lord Salisbury had al-
ready refused a conference on the subject. After
that letter Lord Salisbury thought better of it, and
agreed to the conference, which is to meet immedi-
ately in Washington. How this matter is viewed

2 59

Does America Hate England?

in America is shown by the following cable from
Washington in to-day's (September 20) newspapers :

The officials of the State Department are not disposed
to comment upon the correspondence which has been
published relating to the fur-seal question between Great
Britain and the«United States. They say, however, that
it shows that the object sought by the Government of the
United States for the past three years has been attained
by the agreement of Great Britain to participate in a con-
ference to be held in October. They point out that the
refusal of the British Government heretofore to consent
to such a conference led to the transmission to Mr. Hay,
United States ambassador in London, of Mr. Sherman's
note of May 10, which was followed by Lord Salisbury's
reply agreeing to hold a conference.

The whole Bering Sea business has been mis-
managed by Britain — as is believed, contrary to
her real wishes — simply because she could not
govern her colony ; the colony has governed her,
as she will under Sir Wilfrid Laurier and his suc-
cessors hereafter, as time will show.

The second cause of the bitter hostility which
has been aroused recently against Britain is her
conduct upon the Venezuela question. Let us look
at the facts in this case. For many years the
United States Government urges upon Great Brit-
ain in the most courteous manner that the terri-
torial dispute with Venezuela, her small republican
neighbor, should be settled amicably by arbitration.
The sixteen American republics having agreed to
settle their disputes by arbitration, it is hoped that

260

Does America Hate England?

Britain will not attempt to light the torch of war
upon the American continent. Mr. Gladstone's ad-
ministration, through Earl Granville, foreign min-
ister, agree to arbitrate. Lord Salisbury enters
upon office, and immediately withdraws from the
agreement and refuses to arbitrate. Repeated re-
quests from the United States are made without
result. Finally, President Cleveland appears upon
the scene. Now, President Cleveland has one great
wish — namely, to bring about a treaty of arbitra-
tion between Great Britain and the United States.
It was my privilege to introduce the first Parlia-
mentary committee that approached him upon
the subject. The interest he took in it was surpris-
ing, and his intimate friends well know that the
consummation of the treaty of peace lies nearest
his heart of all public questions. He is, beyond all
things, a believer in the peaceful arbitration of in-
ternational disputes.

He asks Britain for a final reply. Will she, or
will she not, arbitrate this territorial dispute with
Venezuela ? Upon his return to Washington, one
evening, from a journey, he reads the refusal of
Lord Salisbury, and writes his message before he
retires for the night. It gives great offense in Brit-
ain, but this is because the British people do not
know that for fifteen years the United States Gov-
ernment has been begging Great Britain to arbi-
trate this question, and that Britain has agreed to
do so. The message is not addressed to the British
Government, but to the American Congress, and the
President concludes by stating in effect that it will

261

Does America Hate England?

be the duty of the United States Government to
protect Venezuela should Britain presume to en-
force her own views of her territorial rights.

There is no question but that the United States
would have fought, or will to-day fight, any nation
— even Britain — in defense of the principle of
peaceful arbitration upon questions relating to the
territorial rights of foreign Powers upon the Ameri-
can continent. Sixteen of the seventeen American
republics have agreed to arbitrate their differences,
and why should a European Power be permitted to
make war on that continent thus dedicated to ar-
bitration? Nations have their red rags. Every
one knows that Great Britain would fight in de-
fense of her right of asylum. Every one knows
that she would defend her colonies to the extent of
her power. There should be no mistake made by
the British people upon this point, that the United
States will not permit any European nation to atr
tack an American State in consequence of a terri-
torial dispute. These claims are to be settled by
peaceful arbitration.

It is not alone the uninformed masses of the
American people whose passions would be inflamed
in support of war in defense of this principle, but
the educated classes who will be found most deter-
mined in its defense ; and it is upon these educated
classes, for reasons stated, that Britain must depend
for friends, because it is with education alone that
there can come a just estimate of the past, and a
knowledge of the position which the British people
hold to-day in regard to colonial liberties and to

262

Does America Hate England?

international arbitration. It is deeply to be re-
gretted that, although public sentiment in Britain
forced Lord Salisbury to accept peaceful arbitra-
tion, as requested by the United States Govern-
ment, nevertheless the majority of the American
people cannot be successfully reached and im-
pressed with that fact. The educated people, who
follow foreign affairs, do know and appreciate that
the best people in America had with them the best
people in Great Britain in favor of settlement by
arbitration, but to the masses it must unfortunately
appear that Britain refused arbitration until forced
to accept it by the United States. The truth, how-
ever, fortunately for our race, is that Lord Salis-
bury was forced by his own people to recede from
his position. The questions which Britons might
ask themselves, when seeking for some explanation
of the hatred aroused in the United States recently
against their country, seem to be these : Does not
a nation deserve to be hated which refuses to fulfil
its agreement to arbitrate a territorial dispute with
a weak power ? Is not irritation justified against
a nation which, having agreed to a treaty settling
seal fisheries, repudiates it- at the dictation of a
colony with which the other contracting party has
nothing whatever to do !

These are the only two questions which have re-
cently aroused the United States against Britain. In
that of Venezuela, we have seen that the unfortunate
hatred engendered was wholly unnecessary and
caused solely by Lord Salisbury refusing to carry
out the agreement of his predecessor. Arbitration

263

Does America Hate England?

asked for by the United States has now been agreed
to, and the question -will soon be out of the way,
and, let us hope, soon forgotten, although the tri-
umph of the principle of peaceful arbitration in this
case should ever be remembered.

The other question, that of pelagic sealing, is now
to be in conference again, as before asked for by
the United States, but also refused by Lord Salis-
bury, — at first, — and in a fair way toward settle-
ment ; and let us hope it is soon also to be forgotten,
always excepting that in this case also the principle
of peaceful arbitration was invoked and peace pre-
served through the Bering Sea tribunal, even after
the treaty agreed to was canceled upon Canada's
demand.

With the removal of these two causes of hatred
there remains not a serious cloud upon the horizon
between the two branches of our race at present.
The proposed general treaty of arbitration is again
to be taken up under happier conditions. It is
greatly to Lord Salisbury's credit that he proposed
it ; and in recognition of this service to the cause
of peace and good will between the two nations,
Americans are disposed to forgive and forget his
unfortunate refusal to abide by the agreement of
his country to arbitrate the Venezuelan question.
As for the denunciation of the Bering Sea treaty
which had been agreed upon with Secretary Blaine,
no one conversant with the circumstances holds
him responsible. He could not have successfully
withstood Canada, and there was nothing for him
to do but to repudiate.

264.

Does America Hate England?

The treaty, which failed of ratification, obtained,
let it always be remembered, within six votes of
the necessary two-thirds majority of the Senate.
A greater number than these six votes was thrown
against it for reasons with which the treaty itself
had nothing whatever to do. Into the personal
and political history of the opposition to the treaty,
which President McKinley declared it was our
duty to pass, it would, however, be unprofitable to
enter. It is impossible to obtain a two-thirds ma-
jority for any measure which becomes involved in
the vortex of party politics and personal quarrels.
A treaty of peace between the two branches of our
race is certain to come. The pulpit, the press, the
universities of the United States are its ardent
supporters, President McKinley and his Cabinet
being among the foremost. No other question be-
fore the nation enlists such general enlightened
support from the best men of both parties. There
is, therefore, no reason in the world why the two
nations should not now again draw closer and
closer together. On both sides of the Atlantic each
should be careful hereafter to give to the other no
just cause of offense, and it may be taken as true
that, Briton and American being of the same race,
what would be offensive to the one would be
equally so to the other.

Both Briton and American can dwell with the
greatest satisfaction upon this fact, which recent
events have conclusively proven, that there is in
each country so powerful an element favoring
peace within the race that no Government, however

265

Does America Hate England?

strong, either in the old land or in the new, can de-
cline peaceful arbitration, when offered by the
other, as the Christian substitute for the brutal test
of war. No small compensation this, even for the
estrangement which has arisen over two questions,
but which is now rapidly passing away, leaving
fortunately unimpaired in the Eepublic that ele-
ment which may be trusted to determine interna-
tional action in a crisis — pride of race, a force
lying too deep in the national heart to be revealed
upon calm seas, but which, under the recent swing
of the tempest, bared its great head high enough
above the surge to be seen and noted of all men —
a dangerous rock upon a fatal shore for other
races in combination to strike against, if ever
they attempt to sail that unsailed sea.

266

IMPERIAL FEDERATION

From the "Nineteenth Century/' September, 1891

IMPERIAL FEDERATION

THE time seems opportune for acting upon the
suggestion of the editor of this review, that
I should elaborate an idea expressed in a previous
article touching the unity of the English-speaking
race, and the relations which the parts thereof are
to bear to each other ; for the " Imperial Federa-
tion" and the "United Empire Trade League" are
prominently upon the stage, and the monthly maga-
zines and daily press freely discuss the subject.
Each of the two societies named has recently been
granted an interview with the Prime Minister, and
each has been advised by him in turn to take the
first forward step and furnish at least rough out-
lines of its plans. It is a fact of much significance
that so antagonistic are the views held by these
two organizations that the second to be heard by
Lord Salisbury thought necessary, previous to its
interview, to request that he should not commit
himself to the ideas of the first — evidence of an
anxiety which seems to have been wholly unneces-
sary, as it is evident from Lord Salisbury's reply

269

Imperial Federation

that neither of the societies, so far, has been able
to lay before him anything requiring consideration.
He has wisely called for a bill of particulars, having
had enough of glittering generalities. This is a
challenge which admits of no denial if these socie-
ties are to justify their continued existence. If
they cannot formulate a plan, surely they will
retire.

Before the permanent relations of the parts of
the race to each other can be properly considered,
however, we must pay some attention to the two
phases of the " federation idea " represented by
them.

The United Empire Trade League attends strictly
to business ; there is no sentiment about it — trade
all over, and nothing but trade. We have, there-
fore, only to consider, as far as it is concerned,
whether Britain and her colonies would make good
bargains by banding together against the outside
world, and giving to each other more favorable
terms than to outsiders. Eeduced to this, it be-
comes simply a matter of figures. The Zollverein
idea is here, but the Kriegsverein absent. Let us,
therefore, first consider how Britain would fare
under the proposed new departure. She exports
about £250,000,000 of her products yearly. Of
these, the English-speaking, self-governing colo-
nies take £31,000,000, or one eighth ; India takes
about the same amount ; all the other British pos-
sessions £20,000,000; in all, about £82,000,000,
leaving fully double that amount taken by other
countries. It is proposed to discriminate against

270

Imperial Federation

the customers who consume £166,000,000 in favor
of those who consume half that amount. With
British imports it is just the same, for in 1889 im-
ports and exports to colonies, etc., were only £187,-
000,000 out of a total of £554,000,000 — one third
to the dependencies against two thirds to the for-
eigners. If there were a prospect of the former
trade growing more rapidly than the other, it might
be held that the future would justify the sacrifice,
but there is nothing to encourage this view; on
the contrary, colonial and Indian trade both tend
to decline, while that with foreign nations increases.
The reason is clear : the older nations have devel-
oped their resources, and trade with them is now
practically upon its final basis ; the colonies have
only recently begun to supply their own wants, and
are yet to extend their capacity greatly in this
direction. It is scarcely to be expected that with
double their present population their demands upon
Britain will be much increased. Indeed, the pres-
ent tendency to decline may continue for a time.

The important question is, What response would
the nations of the world make to a declaration of
industrial war against them ? Had Britain and her
colonies remained a compact free-trade Empire, like
the forty-four States of the Republic, which fur-
nish the world with the best proof of the blessings
of free trade, other nations would have no right to
object. It is quite a different matter, however, if,
when their trade has been established and business
built upon the other basis, change and disaster
should now be visited upon them. A change in the

271

Imperial Federation

policy of Britain toward other nations, I submit,
must now be followed by a change of their policy
toward Britain. Discrimination must produce
discrimination. The Eepublic of the United States,
for instance, is Britain's greatest customer, taking
more of British products than all the English-
speaking colonies combined, and more and more
every year, while the trade with the colonies is, at
best, stationary, notwithstanding their increase of
population. It has slightly declined during the past
five years. "What the Eepublic would do if she
were discriminated against needs no guess, for she
has recently lodged in the President power to go so
far as to prohibit entirely the products of any
country that does so. Britain is called upon to
justify her discrimination against American cattle,
for instance, and nothing is surer than that the
American people will have to be entirely satisfied
that there is good cause for it, or the President will
be forced by public sentiment to exercise this
power, conservative, patient, and most peace-loving
though he be. There would not be two parties
upon this issue.

How about Germany ? She takes from Britain
every year products to the amount of about £18,-
000,000, twice that taken by the whole of British
North America, and not far from that taken by the
whole of Australasia (£22,000,000). She sends Brit-
ain about £3,000,000 per year of flour and cereals,
of butter and eggs £1,500,000, of timber £1,500,000.
What is to be the answer of the irrepressible
Emperor if the products of his country are dis-

272

Imperial Federation

criminated against in favor of the food products
and timber of Canada and Australia ? Italy, again,
takes about as much of British products as the
whole of British North America, £7,000,000, and
she finds here each year a market to the extent of
£3,000,000 for her hemp, fruits, etc. The Argen-
tine Republic takes from £10,000,000 to £11,000,000
per annum from Britain ; the whole of British North
America only £8,000,000. What is to be the return
shot tired by her if her mutton, wool, and grain
which she sends here are to be discriminated
against? But why continue the list? It is the
same story everywhere.

Britain has the foreign trade of all her colonies
almost exclusively already, except that of Canada,
of which she has nearly one half, the United States
possessing rather more. All the other colonies deal
with foreign nations only to the extent of from five
to ten per cent, for articles which Britain does not
produce. The parent-land, therefore, has nothing
to gain by any change in fiscal relations between
herself and the colonies ; her colonial trade, exeept
perhaps to a small extent with Canada, could not
be increased thereby. Why, then, should she jeop-
ardize the control of the markets of the world to
the extent of two thirds of her total exports, for
nothing ? The fabled dog which dropped the bird
from his mouth had for excuse that its shadow in
the stream seemed infinitely larger. The Impe-
rial Trade League is not so excusable. It would
sacrifice a real turkey in hand for nothing in the
bush. This wondrous little island is dependent

273

Imperial Federation

upon the world for two thirds of its food-supply ;
equally dependent upon the markets of the world
for the sale of its products. There never was so
great a people so artificially maintained. What
the race has accomplished here under these condi-
tions dwarfs the triumphs of all other races ; it is
marvelous, and if it were not before our eyes, it
would be held impossible that a nation so placed
could have yet led the world. One asks instinc-
tively what such a breed of men will do when they
control continents possessed of unbounded supplies
of agricultural and mineral resources combined;
but that she, being so placed, should be counseled
by a body of able men to inaugurate an industrial
war against the world seems something not to be
accounted for by any process of reason. Russia,
the Argentine or the Brazilian Republic, with its
ports blockaded for ten years, would suffer only
more or less inconvenience. The United States
would emerge from such an embargo stronger and
more independent of the world than before. Close
the ports of this island for a year, and her people
would suffer for food. Britain's house is a whole
Crystal Palace — she of all nations should be the
last to begin stone-throwing.

From something in the national character, but
much more in the part she has had to play in the
world, Britain has excited the envy, jealousy, and
ill will of some of the most powerful nations ; but
I do not believe that my native land has an enemy
so bitter as to wish her to plunge into an indus-
trial war which would be so cruelly fatal to her,

274

Imperial Federation

for even the worst foe must feel that the human
race owes an incalculable debt to Britain. It
would be a different matter if the imposition of
protective duties were proposed bearing equally
upon the products of all other countries, for this is
a matter for each nation to settle for itself, and
other nations could take no offense if Britain
decided to reimpose such duties. This would be
no declaration of industrial war against other
nations, but only a matter of home policy. There
is no vital objection to this being tried ; although
I am as certain that free trade is Britain's only
policy as I am a thorough disciple of John Stuart
Mill — and, I am pleased to add, of his worthy
successor, Professor Marshall — in believing that
the countries which have ,the necessary resources
within themselves do well to encourage the starting
of industries by protecting them for a time against
the competition of those firmly rooted in other
lands, always, however, with the view of ultimately
obtaining a surer and cheaper source of supply
within themselves. But the question for Britain
is this : Given a nation with a thoroughly equipped
manufacturing system producing more than its
own people can consume, and which, on the other
hand, is dependent for its food-supply upon other
nations, what is its policy ? The answer seems
clear: Peace and free trade with all the world.
Cobden and Bright were right for Britain, and only
wrong in assuming, in their enthusiasm, that what
was wise for an old country producing more arti-
cles than it could consume was necessarily wise for

275

Imperial Federation

every country, including those which had diversi-
fied home industries yet to establish. Mill and Mar-
shall are right for new countries, always provided
such have within themselves the necessary re-
sources and adequate market to eventually furnish
the articles at less cost to the consumer than would
have to be paid if dependent upon a foreign sup-
ply. Thus the United States has succeeded by
protection in getting the millions of square feet of
plate-glass she uses per annum at less cost than a
similar article costs in Europe. She often has her
steel rails at less than these could be imported for
free of duty. She has failed, however, to produce
cheaply her supply of sugar by protection. Hence
she wisely abandons the attempt, and makes for-
eign sugar free. Now, because Britain has not the
requisite territory to increase greatly her food-sup-
ply, any tax imposed upon food must be permanent.
The doctrine of Mill does not, therefore, apply, for
protection, to be wise, must always be in the nature
of only a temporary shielding of new plants until
they take root. It will surprise many if Britain
ever imposes a permanent tax upon the food of her
thirty-eight millions of people, with no possible
hope of ever increasing the supply, and thereby
reducing the cost, and thus ultimately rendering
the tax unnecessary. A tax for a short period
that fosters and increases production, and a tax
for all time which cannot increase production, are
different things.

But if, in the near future, Britain decides to try
the old system of protection again, no irremedi-

276

Imperial Federation

able injury need ensue, for results will soon prove
that free trade is for her the very breath of her
nostrils, and she may be able successfully to
return to it because she will not have outraged the
feelings and incurred the hostility of her former
best customers. All will have been treated alike,
and therefore none will have reason to complain ;
although it is always to be remembered that trade
once diverted is most difficult to regain. The loss
owing to this will not be small. While, therefore,
it is open to Britain to try " protection," and pay
the cost of the experiment, and retrace her steps,
he is a bold man who ventures to place an estimate
upon the permanent loss to his country which is
surely involved in entering upon the "Empire
trade " crusade.

Turning from the British and the foreigners'
points of view in regard to the proposed industrial
crusade against the world, the reply of the colonies
to an invitation to join it has yet to be considered.

Let us begin with Canada, the greatest of these.
As already stated, she finds a market for more of
her products in the neighboring Republic than in
the parent-land. She also finds it to her advan-
tage to purchase more from the former than from
the latter. During the winter months she is in-
debted to the courtesy of the Republic for regular
communication with the outside world ; her steam-
ships land at Portland in Maine, and her traffic, in
bond, and her people travel through American
territory to reach Q u ebec or Montreal. Her boasted
east-and-west railway system would scarcely pay

277

Imperial Federation

expenses — it certainly would yield no returns — ex-
cept that the Republic generously permits it to
connect with American railways and compete
with them upon equal terms for the traffic to and
from Chicago and the great West to Boston, New
York, and the East, and to transport foreign goods
in bond to Chicago and the West. The Canadian
Pacific traverses the entire width of the State of
Maine. All the ships of Canada receive rights in
American ports which are denied to American fish-
ing-vessels in Canadian ports. Any day the Re-
public thinks proper to resent the acts of her saucy
little neighbor, which have recently been annoying,
she can practically "bottle up" Canada without
giving any cause of complaint from an interna-
tional point of view. She has simply to withhold
privileges now generously granted. It need not be
feared that so strong and forbearing a nation will
act tyrannously to one so completely in her power.
The Republic has always been the kindest and
most neighborly of neighbors to all her less pow-
erful sisters; but the power is there, and this being
so, I should like to ask our United Empire Trade
League friends what answer Canada would be
likely to make to their proposition to discriminate
in favor of Britain as against the Republic. Canada
may yet, in justice to herself, be compelled to do
just the reverse. There is a large party in Canada
in favor of such a step. An invitation from
Britain to enter upon the policy of discrimination
would require Canada to consider for her own in-
terests in whose favor the discrimination should

278

Imperial Federation

be. The idea suggested by the League may thus
return to plague the inventor. Truly our friends
of the Trade League have found and are brandish-
ing a dangerous weapon.

With the Australasian colonies the case is differ-
ent. These have no overshadowing giant along-
side ; but there is another element there which I
submit is equally potent. New South Wales, the
largest of the group, imports £23,000,000 ; exports
just about the same. Her total trade with Great
Britain, exports and imports, is only one third of
this — something over £15,000,000. Victoria, the
other great colony, imports and exports £37,500,-
000 ; Britain has of these between £12,000,000 and
£13,000,000 — just about one third, as in the case
of New South Wales.

But Britain need not be jealous in regard to the
remainder ; for, as before stated, with the exception
of from five to ten per cent, of the total, which she
cannot supply, she has it all. So far has Austral-
asia advanced under the policy of encouraging
home manufactures that the various colonies are
able to supply the wants of one another to the ex-
tent of about two thirds of their total requirements
— a most encouraging state of affairs, as promising
the creation of a mighty nation of English-speaking
people in the near future. Does any member of
our " Fair Trade League " believe that a proposi-
tion would be entertained for a moment to lower
duties upon articles from Britain, and hence to in-
jure or destroy the manufactures of their sister
colonies ? Has any indication been seen of a desire

279

Imperial Federation

upon the part of any of these colonies to abandon
the high aim each has set before itself of becoming
a great power with diversified industries, capable
of supplying its own necessary wants ? The mem-
bers of the League should endeavor to place them-
selves in the position of Canada and of Australia,
and judge in the case of Canada what its reply to
their idea must be, and in the case of Australia
what it would be. The officials of that society are,
no doubt, preparing their answer to the challenge
given by the Prime Minister, and it is to be hoped
that it will deal with the points here suggested.

Turning now to the Imperial Federation
League, we find no business whatever in its pro-
gram; no considerations of trade; bargains are
not thought of; sentiment reigns supreme. Still,
it is not so grandly sentimental as it was. A pain-
ful falling away is noted. In its early days it
pleased many to note that, in their praiseworthy
desire for federation, the majority of the English-
speaking race in the Republic was never forgotten ;
but we find no trace of this in the recent proceed-
ings; even my friend Mr. Bolton seems to have
abandoned the great idea which first roused his en-
thusiasm, and which still stirs mine. In his article in
the July number of this review he regretfully says:

If it may not be given to us to realize that grand idea,
the confederation of all the nations which have sprung
from the race nurtured in these isles, should we not at
least use all our energies to promote the union and politi-
cal consolidation of the Greater Britaiu which still owns
one flag and acknowledges one sovereign?

28o

Imperial Federation

We have not yet heard from Lord Bosebery, the
president, for reasons which call forth for him
the deepest sympathy of all. It is still possible
we shall find, in the first address he delivers upon
the subject, that his hopes of the union of the
entire race may still be brighter than those ex-
pressed by officials who have spoken for the Feder-
ation in his absence. For the present, I take it,
we must assume that, like the Trade League, it
seeks no longer harmony and cooperation among
the various parts of the race. It stands now as a
body whose effort is to combine only the minority
of the English-speaking race in a solid phalanx,
leaving out the majority. While, in the case of
the first society, it was necessary to go into par-
ticulars, in that of the latter it seems only necessary
to examine its aim as recently presented.

It is deemed possible to create a solid empire,
under one head, of parts of the English-speaking
race, one the mother country, another in Canada,
the third in Australia, each with different environ-
ments and totally different problems to solve; and
one of the three parts under wholly different insti-
tutions from the other two, the latter being de-
mocracies without a trace of hereditary privilege,
aristocracy, church and state, or entails of the
soil, and the very air breathed there instilling ideas
of political equality in the citizen. It is notable
that this hope is chiefly confined to the parent-land,
and to those born here who have played great parts
till now in the colonies. Such men as Sir John A.
Macdonald, Sir Henry Parkes, Sir Samuel Griffith,

28l

Imperial Federation

and others, are not colonists but natives of Britain,
and must ever reverence and love her. But the
population of Australasia is already nearly three
native to one British-born. In Canada, in 1881,
more than four fifths were native-born, and every
year the percentage of British-born grows less and
less. Not one of five thousand native-born Cana-
dians, nor of ten thousand born Australians, has
ever seen or ever can see Britain, which to the
masses is only a name — no doubt a name which
they can never mention without pride and grati-
tude, but still only a name, not a country; and a
country every man worthy of the name of man will
have and worship.

The native-born Australian is Australian first
and last ; the native-born Canadian the same. The
public ear of my native land is sadly led astray
about the feeling of her colonies, because she hears
only the voices of her own people, native-born Brit-
ons, or a few rich visitors speaking in the name of
the colonies. It is these who principally visit the
old home, crossing the seas, drawn hither by long-
ings, as pilgrims to their Mecca. The masses of
the people in the colonies permit and even encour-
age upon the part of these native-born Britons the
expression of the tenderest sentiments toward
their native land ; for they know that men are not
worthy of the confidence and respect of the com-
munities in which they dwell if they fail in affec-
tion for the land which gave them birth, and that
the colonist who does not love his native land is
not likely to prove much of an acquisition to his

282

Imperial Federation

adopted one. But it will save much disappoint-
ment if the people at home can be made to under-
stand and believe that the following truly repre-
sents the sentiments of ninety-nine out of every
hundred native-born Canadians and Australians.
I quote the words of the Premier of the important
province of Quebec, Mr. Mercier, who, being asked
whether he was opposed to federation, replied :

Yes, I am. I regard that policy as treason to Canada.
Imperial federation means that Canada must join Britain
in her wars throughout the world, and must weigh the
interest of the whole Empire before looking to her own.
A tie that would thus subject Canada completely to
European dominion would be a most unnatural one, and
there are not fifty men in the province of Quebec who
are favorable to so unpatriotic a policy. The time has,
in fact, come to consider in a very peaceful yet very seri-
ous way the right of European Powers to govern people
living on the continent of America, whose interests and
general tendencies, commercial or other, are in certain re-
spects opposed to those of the people of Europe. Accord-
ingly, instead of being disposed to strengthen the ties at
present existing between Britain and Canada, we are, in fact,
looking forward with some anxiety to the time when we
shall ask for our independence. We shall request it with
all due respect to Great Britain, and without any ill feel-
ing toward her people, just as a young man of full age,
on leaving his father's home, may sometimes do it with
reluctance, but with the proud feeling that he, too, is
called upon to take a free and independent share in
life. What I say about the province of Quebec may,
I believe, be said of the inhabitants of all the other
provinces.

283

Imperial Federation

It surely cannot have failed to attract the atten-
tion of the members of the Imperial Federation
League that even Sir John Macdonald, a native-
born Briton, was forced, certainly much against
his will, to announce that Canada was no longer
to be the dependent, but the ally, of Britain, and
even going so far only enabled him to escape de-
feat by a greatly reduced majority.

In future, England would be the center, surrrounded
and sustained ~by an alliance, not only with Canada, but
with Australia and all her other possessions ; and there
would thus be formed an immense confederation of free-
men — the greatest confederacy of civilized and intelli-
gent men that ever had an existence on the face of the
globe.

Alliances are made between independent nations.
Sir John must also have had in mind the Republic,
for this is necessary to make the greatest confed-
eracy of intelligent and civilized men. A confed-
eracy of all others of our race would be much
smaller than the United States alone.

Sir John asserted the independence of Canada
to the fullest extent when he recently commanded
Lord Salisbury to tear up a treaty which had been
agreed upon by Sir Julian Pauncefote and Secre-
tary Blaine, with Lord Salisbury's cordial approval,
which the British Government had presumed to
make without consulting Canada. The recent pro-
test of Newfoundland is another case in point. The
public is informed that the difficulty has been com-
promised, but the compromise has necessarily been

28+

Imperial Federation

all on one side. The form of arbitration with.
France is to be adhered to ; but after this has been
duly performed, Newfoundland's demands will be
complied with. Any treaty rights France is found
to possess are to be purchased. There was no other
course open to Britain. She cannot govern her
colonies; for they are full grown and almost of
age and now dictate to her. They must be pro-
vided with homes of their own speedily if the filial
tie is to be preserved.

The Imperial Federation has only to grapple
with the initial difficulty to be overthrown, which
is this: the native-born Australian wants at ma-
turity a country of his own to live for, fight for,
and, if necessary, to die for; the native-born Cana-
dian wants the same. The native-born Briton has
this, the American, German, Frenchman. Why
not the people of Canada and Australia? The
native-born colonist has not the slightest idea of
permitting the parent-land, distant thousands of
miles, or any land, to have anything to say in or to
his own country. That any of their statesmen
should favor the proposition that the representa-
tives of his country should be sent across seas to
be swamped in a Parliament in London, and the
destinies of his country subjected to the votes of
strangers, would probably be considered by the
medical faculty of the colony as & prima facie proof
of mental aberration ; his incarceration in a lunatic
asylum would be imminent. To endeavor to satisfy
this commendable and patriotic devotion to the
idea of country by offering them part of a land

285

Imperial Federation

thousands of miles away, which they can never see,
is futile. They might as well be asked to consider
themselves citizens of the moon, and so to rest and
be thankful. These ambitious, enterprising peo-
ples with British blood in their veins are not crying
for the moon. There is no rest for such movements ;
once started, national aspirations are not to be
quenched. The sooner these are gratified, the bet-
ter for all.

What lesson has the past to teach us upon this
point ? Spain had great colonies upon the Ameri-
can continent : where are these now ? Seventeen
republics occupy Central and South America.
Five of these have prepared plans for federating.
Portugal had a magnificent empire, which is now
with the Brazilian Eepublic. Britain had a colony.
It has passed from its mother's apron-strings and
set up for itself, and now the majority of all our
race are gathered'under its republican flag. What
is there in the position of Britain's relation to Aus-
tralia and Canada that justifies the belief that any
different result is possible with them ? I know of
none ; on the contrary, all that I know of the sen-
timent of the people in the colonies satisfies me
that there exists this healthy growth toward na-
tional life. They would be unworthy of their sires
if they did not possess it. It was not a question of
taxes that produced the independence of the United
States ; this was the incident only which precipi-
tated what was bound to come a few years sooner
or later, independent of any possible home policy.
Franklin and Adams had no idea of separating

286

Imperial Federation

from the mother-land when they led in the refusal
to be taxed from Westminster; but they soon
found themselves compelled by a public sentiment,
until then latent, to advance to independence.
Australasia has begun the natural movement
toward change in her relations to the old home.
Her leaders — still native-born Britons chiefly —
kindly propose that Britain may still he allowed
to send an ornamental G-overnor-G-eneral. The
tie will be slight, but it is now seen, especially in
the most important of the colonies, New South
Wales, that, as in the case of America, the British-
born leaders may be pushed by the native-born
Australians into a movement for complete inde-
pendence. If it does not evolve now it must do so
later, for the "Speaker" (July 18) truly says:
"It is the fading class of the home-born which
keeps alive the traditions and sentiment of the
English connection. Every five minutes through-
out Australasia an Imperialist dies; every four
minutes a Republican is born."

The constant reader of the " Spectator " knows
that journal to be equally well informed, and the
" Times " has more than once recently shown that
it is not ignorant of the true state of colonial
affairs. But these able organs of public opinion
seem to be almost alone.

It is of the utmost importance that the people
of Britain should promptly realize her true relation
to the colonies, which is just this: she is the
mother-land, and no nation has ever been blessed
with a family so numerous, enterprising, and cred-

287

Imperial Federation

itable. The only part open to her is to play the
mother, and, as her children grow beyond the need
of her fostering care, to endeavor to inculcate in
them the ambition to go forth and manage for
themselves. She should doubt the blood in any
weakling content to remain under her protection
when the age of manhood comes. True, few de-
partures from the old home are unaccompanied by
tears, but, after all, tears of affection, of joy, in the
happiness of the child who starts in life for him-
self. There are only two modes that can be pur-
sued: either the colonies will leave the parent
nest with the parent's blessing, carrying in their
hearts undying love and reverence for her to whom
they owe all, or the parting will be made under
conditions which must necessarily bring both parent
and child lifelong bitterness and lifelong sorrow.
The American boy is forever to be in youth the
hater of the old home, for in his early years he is
fed with stories of the Revolution — of the strug-
gles and sufferings of Washington and his patriot
army, of the desire of his native land for indepen-
dence, and of the mistaken efforts of Britain to hold
it in subjection.

This early impression of Britain as the oppressor
of his country is not easily removed. It is a thou-
sand pities that the majority of our race is to learn
first that the parent-land was their country's only
foe. Britain can choose whether Australia and
Canada and her other colonies, as they grow to
maturity, can set up for themselves with every
feeling of filial devotion toward her, or whether

288

Imperial Federation

every child born in these lands is to be born to re-
gard Britain as the American child must. There
is no other alternative, and I beseech our friends
of the Imperial Federation to pause ere they in-
volve their country and her children in the disap-
pointment, humiliation, and antagonism which must
come if a serious effort be made to check the de-
velopment and independent existence of the colonies,
for independence they must and will seek by virtue
of the blood that is in them, and obtain, even by
force if necessary. They were not true Britons
else.

Lord Salisbury has recently said that if Home
Eule were granted to Ireland, other portions of the
Empire might be "wrenched from the power of
the Queen." As he could not mean that there was
a danger of foreign nations attempting to "wrench"
any of the colonies, he must have meant that the
colonies would "wrench" themselves away. No-
thing should be left undone to prevent such
" wrenches " from coming. To encourage the
colonies to follow the example of their mother-
land and become nations themselves is the only
way to prevent such a " wrench " as took place
between the parent and the Republic. I should
prevent all feeling of " wrenching " upon one side
or the other by having the parent-land start her
children in life in due course, as her Majesty starts
her children. With rare wisdom, she favors early
marriages. Britain, as a nation, should imitate the
example of her wise Queen, and start her colonies
for themselves in homes of their own as soon as

289

Imperial Federation

they become restless under the old roof -tree, with a
God-speed, and a fond, proud mother's Messing.

It may be said that the destiny indicated for the
parent-land is one unworthy of her past. I cannot
share such a thought. The world is still young.
As each child of Britain reaches proper growth and
departs, another child will be born to her. No
limit can be set to this stage of the world's develop-
ment, no time fixed when the mother will not have
quite enough of a family to care for. Generations
must pass before the two hundred and eighty mil-
lions of India are ready to federate into a great na-
tion and govern themselves, while Africa was born
to her only yesterday. Besides this, the United
Kingdom, even of itself, and without colonies,
would remain one of the principal nations. Her
colonies weaken her powers in war, and confer no
advantages upon her in peace. Her population
about equals that of France, and will, I believe,
eventually equal that of Germany, probably exceed
it, leaving only Russia more populous in Europe.
Her store of minerals surpasses all others except
the United States ; she has at her foot the markets
of the world for the chief manufactured articles,
for, whatever may be said of foreign competition,
it cannot possibly amount to much in the future :
her navy can control the seas. One of the purest
fallacies is that trade follows the flag. Trade fol-
lows the lowest price current. If a dealer in any
colony wished to buy Union Jacks, he would order
them from Britain's worst foe if he could save a
sixpence. Trade knows no flag. Britain's greatest

290

Imperial Federation

customer is the American Republic ; and, as we
have seen, Germany and France, with a tithe of
the population, consume as much as India of British
products, and more than all the Australian and
Canadian colonies combined. Canada trades more
with the Republic than with Britain. The inde-
pendence of the colonies will not lessen British
trade with them, but increase it, because indepen-
dence will stir their energies and make them much
more enterprising. Hence wealth will be produced
faster, and the market for fine articles from Britain
be correspondingly increased. This is proved by
the result of American independence.

"With full appreciation of the patriotic sentiment
which pervades the two leagues, I cannot refrain
from asking their members to consider whether
they are not working in the wrong direction, and
aiding to thwart and not to promote the true mis-
sion of their country in the future. The position
which Britain should aim to occupy is no less than
the "headship of the race," as the parent of all.
Now, even if the various parts of the race in the
Empire could be federated under one sovereign —
of which there is as little likelihood as that the
Republic could be induced to enter — and thus
the whole aim of the Federation League be accom-
plished, what then? Eleven millions of people
will have been confederated with her — only this
and nothing more — and Britain then would only
be first in the smaller division of the race. It
would not be such a prodigious gain for her, after
all. We should have "Hamlet" with Hamlet left out.

291

Imperial Federation

Few persons have a correct knowledge of the num-
bers and increase of the various parts of our race.
During the past ten years the United States added
to its numbers more than the total present number
of English-speaking people in all other parts of the
world, outside of the United Kingdom. Her in-
crease was 12,500,000. The increase of the United
Kingdom and all her English-speaking colonies was
not one half as great — about 5,000,000. Britain
added slightly more than 3,000,000; Canada only
500,000, a rate of increase not greater than that of
Britain ; New South Wales (last eight years) only
471,000 ; Victoria (last nine years) 710,984 ; all other
colonies only trifling numbers. Thus, if we place
the Republic in one scale, and all the other parts
of the race in the other, the yearly increase in the
first scale would more than double that in the second.
Even if the United States increase is to' be much
less rapid than it has been hitherto, yet the child
is born who will see more than 400,000,000 under
her sway. No possible increase of the race can be
looked for in all the world combined comparable to
this. Green truly says that its "future home is
to be found along the banks of the Hudson and
the Mississippi." Why should the parent-land, then,
be counseled by the Imperial League to endeavor
to form closer ties with her other children than
with her eldest born, who must dwarf all the rest
of the family together ? What kind of federation
is that which leaves the Republic out ? There is
no obstacle to forming any tie with the Republic
that can possibly be formed with the common-

292

Imperial Federation

wealth of Australia or the Dominion of Canada,
for, just as soon as these are asked to forego their
inborn desire for independence similar to that of
the United States, their answer will settle the ques-
tion, if, indeed, the League ever requires to go so
far as to ask for Imperial Federation and be refused.
It should not be necessary for it to place the parent-
land in a position so humiliating, for that its idea
is impracticable can be learned in every quarter
without exposing itself to the inevitable and wholly
unnecessary rebuff.

If the United Empire Trade League ever suc-
ceeds in getting the government to call a confer-
ence of the colonies, to meet in London, as it
proposes, to consider its aim, the end of that idea
also will have arrived, for few colonial governments
could survive the support of a bill appointing
delegates even to consider the question of discrimi-
nating against other nations in favor of Britain.
But, as in the case of the Imperial Federation
League, so the United Empire Trade League should
be able to satisfy itself, before asking a conference
only to be refused, that there is no possibility of
obtaining the cooperation of any English-speaking
community.

Mistaken, impracticable, and pernicious, how-
ever, though the aims of these two societies be,
yet it is to their membership that we can best look
for efforts in the right direction for such coopera-
tion of the entire race as it is possible to effect;
for their hearts are in the right place, and their
heads can easily be brought to the favorable con-

293

Imperial Federation

sideration of an idea which "postulates for their
country a much higher position, a much grander
mission, than that which they have set themselves
to secure — a position which will keep her in the
rightful attitude of parent toward the entire race
which has sprung from her.

I respectfully ask the patriotic, sympathetic, and
enterprising men of these leagues to permit me
to submit for their consideration a summary of
the ideas which have forced themselves upon me
from a study of the question, made with an earnest
desire to secure, first, the unity of our race, and
through that, for it, the mastery of the world, for
the good of the world.

First. The great aim of the f ederationists should
be to draw together the masses of all English-
speaking countries, and to make them feel that
they are really members of the same undivided
race, and share its triumphs; that all English-
speaking men are brothers who should rejoice in one
another's prosperity and be proud of one another's
achievements. The little faults or shortcomings of
the other members should be overlooked, and all
should dwell upon what is best in each, for, as
members of the same race, what disgraces one ne-
cessarily reflects upon the entire family. Impossible
Imperial Federation and Empire Trade League
should give place to Race Alliance, and so embrace
all in one common bond, the only test being

If Shakspere's tongue be spoken there,
And songs of Burns are in the air.
294

Imperial Federation

Pursuance of this policy during our generation
will do much to lay the foundation for a true fed-
eration of the whole race, as far as it is possible to
combine sovereign powers; and how far that is
possible is for future generations, not for this, to
learn. That it is possible to a degree, we of to-day
already see. Once earnestly kept in view and
labored for, and lower aims excluded, it is probable
that things now deemed impossible dreams may
prove easy of getting. Indeed, the "Parliament
of Man" itself is only a question of time in the
mind of the evolutionist who sees no bounds to the
advance of man in the line of brothei'hood. If we
may not look into the future and tell what germ is
to grow, we can at least do our duty in the present,
and cultivate the soil and plant the germ which
ought to grow among the members of the same
race, leaving to posterity the duty of nurturing the
precious seed, and, we trust, the fruition of our
hopes.

Second. The parent-land should be urged to en-
courage her colonies, as an able mother encourages
her sons, to go forth at maturity and play the part
of men — loving and reverencing her, but inde-
pendent. The idea of federation among colonies
should also be encouraged ; for no greater calamity
could happen than that the various English-speak-
ing communities should be divided into small
nations, jealous of one another. The sad condition
of Europe to-day, an armed camp, contrasted with
that of the United States, which is ere long to
contain an English-speaking population as great as

295

Imperial Federation

the whole of Europe, without any necessity for a
standing army, should be continually in mind and
proclaimed. The Australian colonies do not re-
quire the lesson. These are wise and will federate,
and, as one irresistible power, keep the peace and
rule that quarter of the globe without armies, for
they, like the Republic, can have no neighboring
foe ; but the union of England and Scotland should
be held up to Canada and the United States. I
should not like to think that I ever had said or ever
should say a word that would tend to perpetuate
upon the American continent two divisions of the
race, or to feel that I had not exerted myself to
produce union. The mother-land can do much by
reminding Canada of her own union with Scotland,
and the happy results which flow from it. The
present unfortunate division of the race in America,
so fraught with danger, is Britain's work ; the duty
upon her to correct the evil is imperative. Nor is
she unequal to the task, for she has done things
that other nations cannot parallel. The cession of
the Ionian Islands to classic Greece, the recent
cession of Helgoland to Germany, show her capa-
ble of generous, even sublime, action. She can
rise at times to great heights and teach nations
magnanimity. All she has done of this nature
combined were but little in comparison with the
uniting of the two children whom her policy
separated a century ago. She should tell Canada
that whenever it becomes, as it is becoming, a ques-
tion of separate independent existence, or of union
with the other division of the race, a mother's

296

Imperial Federation

blessing would attend her union with the Republic.
"With the appalling condition of Europe before us,
it would be criminal for a few millions of people
to create a separate government instead of becom-
ing part of a great mass of their own race which
joins them, especially since the federal system gives
each part the control of all its internal affairs, and has
proved that the freest government of the parts pro-
duces the strongest government of the whole. The
most eminent man in Canada to-day is certainly
Goldwin Smith. He remains an Englishman with
allegiance unimpaired, yet he tells Britain that her
position upon the American continent is the bar-
rier to sympathetic union with her great child, the
Eepublic. He is right.

Third. Much is done to prevent harmony in the
race by the position that has until recently been
held tenaciously by the parent-land in regard to
the fiscal policy which every colony has found it
best to pursue. Seeing that strictly agricultural
communities can never amount to much under
present conditions, it should be regarded as a
natural and patriotic desire upon the part of
Canadians and Australians to give their countries
diversified industries, that the various aptitudes of
the people may find scope. Britain need have no
fear about her trade. Indeed, it is very doubtful
if, with all her resources developed to the utmost,
she can long continue to meet the demands for her
products which must be made upon her, no matter
what tariffs may be adopted. Where the iron and
steel can be had to supply the coming wants of

297

Imperial Federation

the world is already troubling Bell, Atkinson,
Hewitt, and other high authorities. A writer in
the " Times " (July 12), Mr. Harvey, one of the
most prominent citizens of Newfoundland and a
loyal subject, states this point admirably, and
asks that it " be granted by the majority of the
people of England and Scotland that a man may
doubt the infallibility of the doctrine of free trade
under all circumstances, and not be considered a
fool or worse." Britain is quite right in adopting
free trade for herself, but every colonist visiting
the old home should not be attacked and denounced,
I might even say abused, because he ventures to
think his new country requires a different system
for a time.

Fourth. The process of assimilating the political
institutions of all English-speaking countries
should be continued, for it should never be for-
gotten by true federationists that different po-
litical conditions form a great barrier to close
sympathetic union. No Parliament since that
which passed the Eeform Bill deserves greater
thanks than the present one in this respect. It
has done much to bring Britain's institutions in
accord with the democratic standard of all the
other English-speaking nations. County councils,
and especially free education, are important steps
toward the unification of our race. In like manner,
the recent Copyright Act of the Republic removes
a difference. Australasia has also done her part
by placing the Republic under obligation, her
greatly improved ballot system having already

298

Imperial Federation

been adopted with beneficial results in many of
the States. She has also the simplest and best
system of land laws in the world, for which we
hope the Republic is soon — and the United King-
dom later — to discard its own. Thus each of the
three great parts, improving for herself, improves
also for the benefit of the others. The race enjoy-
ing the same language, religion, literature, and law
should also have the harmonizing blessings of
common political institutions.

The ground once cleared of Empire Trade League
efforts to array one part of the race against the
other part, and equally of Imperial Federation aims
which would shut out the vast majority of the
race and limit the mother-land's connection to the
smaller portion, and especially if the division of
the race upon the North American continent were
healed by union, upon the advice of the parent,
the efforts of all could then be concentrated upon
realizing what Mr. Bolton calls " that grand idea,
the confederation of all the nations which have
sprung from the race nurtured in these isles." The
first-fruits of this movement would probably be
seen in the appointment, by the various nations of
our race, of international commissions, charged
with creating a system of weights, measures, and
coins, of port dues, patents, trade-marks, and other
matters of similar character which are of common
interest. If there be a question upon which all
authorities are agreed, for instance, it is the desira-
bility of introducing the decimal system of weights,
measures, and coins; but an international com-

299

Imperial Federation

mission seems the only agency capable of bringing
it about.

The habit of producing uniform arrangements
for the whole of the race having been created
by such commissions, the step would be easy to a
further development of the international idea.
For under harmonious conditions Britain would
soon be regarded by the English-speaking people
throughout the world as the mother they all re-
vere, and there must inevitably begin a gradual
drawing together of the whole race. Even to-day,
every federationist has the satisfaction of know-
ing that the idea of war between the two great
branches is scouted on both sides of the Atlantic.
Henceforth war between members of our race
may be said to be already banished, for English-
speaking men will never again be called upon to
destroy one another. During the recent differences
— not with Britain, for Britain and the Republic
agreed, but with disapproving Canada, which was
naturally more irritating to the Republic — not a
whisper was ever heard upon either side of any
possible appeal to force as a mode of settlement.
Both parties in America and each successive gov-
ernment are pledged to offer peaceful arbitration for
the adjustment of all international difficulties — a
position which it is to be hoped will soon be reached
by Britain, at least in regard to all the differences
with members of the same race.

Is it too much to hope that after this stage has
been reached and occupied successfully for a period,
another step forward will be taken, and that, having

300

Imperial Federation

jointly banished war between themselves, a general
council should be created by the English-speaking
nations, to which may at first be referred only
questions of dispute between them? This would
only be making a permanent body to settle differ-
ences, instead of selecting arbiters as required —
not at all a serious advance, and yet it should be
the germ from which great fruits would grow.

The Supreme Court of the United States is ex-
tolled by the statesmen of all parties in Britain,
and has received the compliment of being copied
in the plan for the Australian commonwealth.
Building upon it, may we not expect that a still
higher Supreme Court is one day to come, which
shall judge between the nations of the entire
English-speaking race, as the Supreme Court at
Washington already judges between States which
contain the majority of the race ?

At first the decisions of the council would prob-
ably be made subject to ratification by all the
principals, but the powers and duties of such a
council, once established, may be safely trusted to
increase ; to its final influence over the race, and
through the race over the world, no limit can be
set ; in the dim future it might even come that the
pride of the citizen in the race as a whole would
exceed that which he had in any part thereof — as
the citizen of the Eepublic to-day is prouder of be-
ing an American than he is of being a native of
any State of the Union. This is a far look ahead,
no doubt, but patriotism is an expansive quality,
and men to-day are as patriotic in regard to an

3OI

Imperial Federation

entire continent as the ancients were about their
respective cities and provinces. The time is com-
ing when even race patriotism will give place to
the citizenship of the world.

While the decisions of the council would neces-
sarily be restricted to such questions as arose be-
tween the members of the race, its influence, and
in extreme cases its recommendations, if unani-
mously made, could not fail to be of weighty im-
port. We can imagine such a tribunal, for instance,
unanimously saying a word upon occasion which
would settle the most important subject within our
horizon of to-day. Is it a very improbable idea that
it might hold and obtain the unanimous approval
of the powers represented in so holding that the
peace of the world, in which the industrial English-
speaking race is most deeply concerned, is a ques-
tion which other nations cannot be allowed wholly
to determine for themselves? The commanding
position of our race will play upon it correspond-
ingly great offices. United as described, it would
wield such overwhelming power that resistance
would be useless. Its verdict could never be ques-
tioned ; its word would be law. I believe that it is
by our race, and through such means, that war is
most probably to be driven from the world which
it disgraces, and the reign of peace established
among men forever.

In the pursuit of an end so noble, the English-
speaking race, wherever situated, can confidently
be appealed to ; its realization would be a service
to mankind which justified labor, expenditure,

302

Imperial Federation

and even risk. The feeble beginnings of the feder-
ation of Europe are already seen in the Triple
Alliance. It may fail because not so overwhelm-
ingly strong as to render impotent all efforts to
cope with it, and all depends upon this ; but the idea
is there, for three nations have declared themselves
banded together, not for the purpose of aggression,
defensively, not offensively, and only to keep the
peace and to punish the peace-breaker. We have no-
thing to do here with the merits of the controversy
which called it forth, but what this Alliance aims
to do for the three countries concerned for a few
years, the true federation of the English-speaking
race would be able to do permanently for the world.
The duty is to be ours, if we cooperate, because
ours is the only race of which the slightest hope
can be entertained that it is soon to become so much
stronger than any other race, or probable combina-
tion of races, as united to be omnipotent.

A race alliance will hasten the day in the coming
of which I have implicit faith, when our race will
be quite able to say — and will therefore as a duty
say* — to any powers that threaten to begin the
murder of human beings, in the name of war, under
any pretense :

Hold! I command you both; the one that stirs makes

me his foe.
Unfold to me the cause of the quarrel, and I will judge

betwixt you.

If ever the parent-land and all her children unite
in speaking these words, it need not be feared that

3°3

Imperial Federation

a shot will be fired or a sword drawn. The writ
of that race union will run the circle round and
insure peace. We should thus have the Kriegsver-
ein with power so overwhelming that its exercise
would never be necessary. The Zollverein is some-
thing so much lower, being only a question of
trade, that it scarcely deserves mention in compari-
son ; but even the Zollverein will come of itself in
its own good time, when the various members have
had time to test and learn their respective capa-
cities — what they can produce best at home, and
what they must continue to purchase abroad.
Protective tariffs are in their very nature experi-
mental and temporary devices. These require little
attention from the true f ederationist ; indeed, the
less they receive the sooner they will pass away.
All the forces at work tend to equilibrium of cost
throughout the world, and hence the reduction
and final abolition of protective duties as no longer
necessary.

It is obvious that such an alliance of the race is
dependent upon a union of hearts, and that force
or pressure would only defeat it. No more seeds
of lifelong bitterness should be sown. The younger
members of the race should remember what is due
to the parent; the parent should seek to retain
their love and reverence by being " to their faults
a little blind and to their virtues very kind," freely
according to each, when maturity arrives, the same
independent existence and the same exclusive man-
agement of its own affairs as she claims for herself,
and rather than relinquish which she would sink

304

Imperial Federation

under the sea. Each member must be free to
manage his own home as he thinks proper without
incurring hostile criticism or parental interference.
All must be equal — allies, not dependents.

Fate has given to Britain a great progeny and a
great past. Her future promises to be no less great
and prolific. Many may be the members of the
family council of all the English-speaking nations,
each complete in itself, which I have predicted as
sure to come sooner or later ; but, however numer-
ous the children, there can never be but one mother,
and that mother, great, honored, and beloved by
all her offspring, — as I pray she is to be, — " this
Sceptered Isle," my native land. God bless her !

3°5

Cornell University Library
HB 835.C3 1900

The gospel of wealth, and other timely e

3 1924 001 214 539

ilSllfflllSI